Windrush Day, observed on June 22 each year, commemorates the arrival of the HMT Empire Windrush at Tilbury Docks in 1948, which marked the start of large-scale Caribbean migration to the UK. It celebrates the resilience, contributions, and cultural impact of Caribbean immigrants who came to aid Britain’s post-war recovery, as well as the achievements of their descendants.   The Windrush Generation comprises of thousands of men, women, and children from West Indian countries, including Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados and Guyana, who settled in the UK between 1948 and 1971. Invited to fill critical labour shortages, they worked in sectors like healthcare, transportation, and industry, helping to rebuild Britain. Despite facing systemic discrimination, their labour became essential to the country’s economic revival. Their influence also extended into music, politics, cuisine, and sports, shaping British society in countless ways. They were instrumental in advancing race relations and anti-discrimination laws that promoted the idea of racial equality in the UK. Today, their descendants continue to enrich and influence British culture, reinforcing why the Windrush generation’s contributions are celebrated.   The Advocacy for Windrush Day In 2018, exactly 70 years after the Empire Windrush arrived, the UK formally recognised Windrush Day, largely due to the advocacy of Patrick Vernon, a prominent activist. Vernon began his campaign in 2013, launching a petition to establish an official day to honour the contributions of the Caribbean community to Britain. His efforts highlighted the need to celebrate the history and legacy of Caribbean immigrants, creating broader awareness of the role of immigration in British society. Five years later, Windrush Day was recognised as a national commemoration, supported by government funding to ensure its legacy would be celebrated through educational events and activities across the country.   The Windrush Scandal and its Impact The establishment of Windrush Day took on added significance following the Windrush Scandal, also in 2018, which exposed severe immigration policy failures. Under stricter policies, many Caribbean-born British citizens, despite their legal status, were wrongly classified as illegal immigrants, leading to detention, loss of healthcare, and even deportation for some. The scandal brought widespread outrage and highlighted systemic issues within the immigration system, prompting the government to issue an apology and offer compensation to those affected. The scandal deepened Windrush Day’s purpose as a day not only of celebration but also of reflection and advocacy, underscoring the need for fairness and accountability in immigration policy.   Recognising Windrush Day and Embracing Diversity Windrush Day celebrates the cultural richness that Caribbean immigrants brought with them. British music owes much to Caribbean genres such as reggae, calypso, and ska, which paved the way for uniquely British music styles, including Lovers Rock , Jungle and UK Garage. Caribbean cuisine has also been woven into the fabric of British food culture, with dishes like jerk chicken and Jamaican patties becoming beloved flavors across the country. Additionally, festivals like the London Carnival aka the Notting Hill Carnival—first organised by the Caribbean activist Claudia Jones – are now major national events that celebrate Caribbean heritage and multiculturalism, fostering unity across communities.   Education is a core component of Windrush Day, with events, exhibitions, and school programmes encouraging people to learn about the history and contributions of the Windrush generation. Such awareness helps combat prejudice and builds appreciation for the multicultural makeup of modern Britain. By educating the public, Windrush Day ensures that the legacy of the Windrush generation is not forgotten and that their impact on British society is recognised and honoured.   Beyond mere celebration, Windrush Day serves as a reminder of the importance of diversity and inclusivity in Britain’s national identity. Recognising the contributions of the Windrush generation honours both their achievements and the hardships they endured. Their legacy is integral to understanding the multicultural foundation of Britain, which continues to benefit from the diversity and resilience brought by generations of immigrants.   Today, Windrush Day encourages communities across the UK to recognise the contributions of the Windrush generation and their descendants. Supported by government funding, it hosts diverse celebrations, from dance and music performances to exhibitions and debates, ensuring that the Windrush legacy remains an active part of the UK’s cultural narrative.   In 2021, a plaque was unveiled in Wolverhampton in honour of Paulette Wilson, a British immigrant rights activist and member of the Windrush generation. Unveiled with support from Vernon and other community leaders, the plaque stands as a symbol of the community’s resilience. It was installed at the Wolverhampton Heritage Centre, once the office of Enoch Powell, who delivered the infamous "Rivers of Blood" speech opposing immigration. The plaque thus represents a powerful reclamation of space, celebrating the immigrant community’s enduring contributions in the face of adversity.   Celebrating Windrush Day is not just about remembering the past; it is an opportunity to embrace diversity, acknowledge the contributions of the Windrush generation, and commit to building a more inclusive society. Let's stand together in unity and celebrate the legacy of resilience, culture, and community that the Windrush pioneers have left behind.   Sources: https://brixtonblog.com/2015/07/we-need-a-windrush-day-to-celebrate-the-migrant-contribution-to-uk/ https://www.britishfuture.org/windrush-day-matters/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windrush_Day

After the end of World War II, a significant wave of Caribbean immigrants made their way to the United Kingdom, marking a pivotal moment in British history and paving the way for the multicultural society we have today.   In this blog post, we’ll explore the motivations behind the migration of Caribbeans to post-war Britain, the influence of British government policies that encouraged this movement, and the positive impact these communities have had on the UK.   A Nation in Ruins: Post-War Britain The Second World War decimated most of Europe, and the United Kingdom was no exception. Approximately 1.5 million homes in Britain were destroyed, with many more damaged. Bombings caused significant damage or destruction to around 7,000 industries. The widespread destruction had a significant impact on postwar reconstruction efforts and housing shortages in the years that followed. (13)   Against this backdrop, the Labour Party secured its first parliamentary majority, pledging to reshape the UK. They embarked on a spectacular programme of reform, which included the establishment of the National Health Service.   The Labour government estimated that an additional 1.3 million workers were needed to help rebuild a country devastated by five years of war. (3) During World War II, nearly half a million soldiers and civilians lost their lives. After the war, many married women and older individuals who had delayed retirement left their jobs, which further intensified labour shortages.   At the same time, people began emigrating to countries in the Old Commonwealth, such as Australia, New Zealand, and Canada—places that were also facing labour shortages and eager to maintain colonial ties with the UK. More than 2 million people emigrated from the UK. (6)   In response to this urgent need for workers, the Labour government introduced recruitment schemes to bring in workers from abroad, initially focusing on Europe and later expanding to its Colonies.   The government was, at the time, creating programmes like the European Voluntary Worker (EVW) scheme, which enabled displaced, primarily, Eastern European migrants to fill in the labour shortage. Between 1946 and 1949 the scheme brought in over 84,000 European migrants.   After the British Nationality Act of 1948 was introduced, the number of migrants from the Caribbean quickly surpassed those from Eastern Europe. This act aimed to standardise citizenship definitions, especially after Canada established its own citizenship system. It allowed people from British colonies the right to live and work in the UK. The British government needed workers to help rebuild the economy after the war and hoped that people from the old Commonwealth would come to help rebuild Britain. However, the act also created opportunities for Caribbean migrants to fill job vacancies in the UK. (8)   Economic Hardships at Home A major reason for Caribbean migration to the UK was the promise of job opportunities. The Caribbean islands faced significant economic struggles due to underdevelopment by Britain, leading to high unemployment rates—about 15% of British West Indians were unemployed at the time. (3) After serving in WWII to help Britain resist Nazi oppression and defend against the expansion of slavery, Caribbean men and women returned home to economies struggling with high unemployment. A Colonial Office report highlighted substantial job disparities across the colonies, with Jamaica particularly hard-hit—accounting for nearly half of the region’s unemployed population. (5)   The Jamaican economy was particularly affected by the devastating hurricane of 1944, which almost destroyed its banana and coconut industries. As a result, thousands of Jamaicans lost their homes and jobs. With few work opportunities available at home, many saw the 'Motherland' as their only option for temporary work, hoping to eventually return home.   Cultural and Educational Ties After emancipation, Caribbean economies and social structures were shaped to resemble those of the UK, and the education system introduced the notion of a “Mother Country.” Caribbean students sat for national exams to qualify for scholarships in the UK—such as St. Lucian economist Sir W. Arthur Lewis,  who studied economics at the London School of Economics (LSE) in 1932.   Caribbean people also became acquainted with the UK through newspapers and radio programmes broadcast across the British West Indies, covering news, sports, culture, and UK events. In school, Caribbean children learned they were British citizens, with Britain as their motherland. This education fostered the belief that they would be welcomed in the UK and that their lives would improve significantly. As job opportunities became scarce in the Caribbean, many chose to migrate to the UK, seeing it as a promising option.   Caribbean societies adopted British symbols and customs, including the flag, national anthem, Christian faith, cricket, literature, and national holidays—celebrating Empire Day, for instance—and showed reverence for the Royal Family. These early influences painted an idealised view of the UK, inspiring many Caribbean migrants to believe they were heading to a land without the struggles of home. The "Mother Country" appeared to them as a welcoming “home” within a family of nations, extending an invitation to join.   "I knew a lot about Britain from school days, but it was a different picture from that one, when you came face to face with the facts. It was two different things... They tell you it is the ‘mother country’, you’re all welcome, you all British. When you come here you realise, you're a foreigner and that's all there is to it." John Richards, passenger on Empire Windrush, interviewed by the BBC in 1998 Government Policies and Recruitment Schemes After World War II, a small number of Caribbean servicemen who had fought alongside British forces began migrating to the UK, seeking employment or re-enlistment opportunities. However, by 1952, migration from the Caribbean increased substantially as the British government and industries started actively recruiting workers from the islands to address postwar labour shortages. This marked the start of a more organised wave of Caribbean migration to Britain. (4)   Despite active recruitment, Britain’s call for labour saw a modest response, with only about 125,000 Caribbean workers arriving by 1958. Economic growth in Trinidad and Tobago, and Jamaica, driven by industries like bauxite, oil, and tourism, led many Caribbean jobseekers to find opportunities there instead. International policy shifts, including the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, also affected migration options, creating additional pathways and making Caribbean migration to Britain more complex. (4)   In 1956, London Transport (LT), at the invitation of the Barbadian government, began recruiting Caribbean workers directly to staff its transport network. This initiative brought thousands of men and women from the Caribbean to Britain, initially from Barbados and, briefly, from Jamaica and Trinidad. Previously, LT had focused on recruiting workers from northern England, Scotland, and, by 1950, Ireland. However, ongoing staff shortages led LT to look further afield to the Caribbean. (10)   To support recruitment, the Barbadian government established a loan scheme allowing recruits to borrow the fare to Britain, repayable over two years. Similar initiatives were adopted by British Rail, the British Hotels and Restaurants Association, and the National Health Service (NHS), each seeking to fill critical roles. LT’s program continued until 1970, although the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962 imposed stricter immigration controls, leading to a decline in new recruits. In 1965, LT also recruited a small group of bus drivers from Malta to further supplement its workforce. (11)   Britain’s severe nursing shortage led the NHS and other agencies to initiate a large-scale recruitment drive across British colonies, particularly focusing on the Caribbean. Low interest in nursing in Britain exacerbated the shortage; a 1948 campaign in Tottenham, for instance, attracted only 17 inquiries for 737 vacancies. By 1955, NHS managers, hospital matrons, and politicians were actively recruiting in the Caribbean, establishing 16 agencies across the colonies. The campaign was successful; by 1965, 5,000 Jamaican women were working in British hospitals, and by 1977, 66 percent of overseas student nurses and midwives were from the Caribbean. (12)   These recruitment programmes significantly impacted the UK workforce. In 1955, the Barbadian government launched a program allowing British organizations to recruit directly from Barbados, soon joined by Jamaica and Trinidad. Caribbean migrants filled essential roles in nursing, teaching, and public transportation across the UK. By 1961, over 161,000 Caribbean-born residents lived in England and Wales, and by 1971, approximately 500,000 people from the Commonwealth had migrated to Britain, with a substantial portion from the Caribbean. Changes in Global Migration trends Since emancipation, people in the Caribbean developed migration patterns in search of better job prospects. From the late 19th century to the early 20th century, thousands of British West Indians moved to various locations in the Americas for work. One of the largest migration waves occurred when as many as 150,000 Caribbeans travelled to Panama for the construction of the Panama Canal. However, after World War II, job opportunities became scarcer in the Spanish Caribbean islands and South America, prompting many to seek work elsewhere. (3)   During World War II, thousands of Caribbeans moved to the United States to assist in the war effort. They worked in agriculture and light industry across 1,500 regions in 36 states. It’s estimated that about 50,000 British West Indians settled in the country between 1941 and 1950. However, this postwar flow of Caribbean immigrants was halted in 1952 due to the Immigration and Nationality Act, which established strict restrictions on Caribbean migrants, redirecting migration patterns to the United Kingdom. (7)   The impact of decolonisation  After World War II, Caribbean nations began pursuing political changes that ultimately led to independence. The war had exposed the weaknesses of colonial rule, fuelling a strong desire for self-determination among Caribbean people. This initiated the decolonisation process in the 1940s, with countries like Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago gaining greater political control; by the 1970s, many Caribbean nations had achieved full independence from British rule.   Decolonisation deeply impacted migration patterns, as newly independent Caribbean nations faced economic challenges including high unemployment, economic instability, chronically low wages, and limited job opportunities. With scarce resources and underdeveloped infrastructure, the new governments struggled to create jobs and essential services to support a stable, self-sustaining economy. Consequently, the UK, as the former colonial power, became a primary destination for Caribbean people seeking stable employment and new opportunities.   During this transition, Caribbean political leaders sought to establish a unified Caribbean identity, proposing a West Indian Federation  with Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago as prominent voices. However, as the two wealthiest economies, these countries hesitated to fully commit to federation, and competing priorities led to the federation’s collapse. Each nation then pursued independence individually. (9)   Upon independence, Caribbean economies remained heavily dependent on exporting raw materials like Trinidad’s oil and Jamaica’s bauxite—commodities that had supported Britain’s economy but not the Caribbean’s. These export-driven economies, structured to serve colonial needs, left the islands with underdeveloped infrastructure, high unemployment, and no social welfare systems. As a result, the new governments faced a dual challenge: building economic stability while creating social services for their populations. Additionally, they had to navigate complex relationships with former colonial powers, adding external pressures to their internal struggles.   As governments worked to address infrastructure and unemployment issues with limited resources, some leaders and intellectuals, such as the Huntleys  and Dr. David Pitt , grew disillusioned with the slow pace of progress. Many of these individuals sought new beginnings in the UK, marking a wave of post-independence migration driven by both economic need and a desire for broader opportunities.   The Experience of Migration Caribbean migration to Britain, prompted by post-war labour shortages, was met with significant hostility and discrimination. Many migrants faced racism in housing, jobs, and public spaces, compounded by exclusion from trade unions, which made integration challenging. Far-right groups, like Oswald Mosley’s Union Movement, fuelled these tensions, which reached a boiling point in the summer of 1958. That year, race riots erupted in Nottingham and Notting Hill, where white mobs targeted West Indian residents, highlighting the deep-seated animosity and prejudice Caribbean migrants faced.   Amid rising immigration and racial tensions, the Conservative government passed the Commonwealth Immigrants Act in 1962. Although it appeared neutral, the Act specifically targeted immigration from the Caribbean and other non-white Commonwealth regions by introducing a voucher system for work entry. This policy marked a pivotal shift toward more restrictive immigration controls in the UK, ultimately laying the groundwork for the issues that would culminate in the Windrush Scandal.   However, the Act had an unintended effect, as many from the New Commonwealth rushed to immigrate before it took effect. Migration from the Caribbean, which had been declining by 1958, surged amid rumours of an imminent cut-off. Arrivals rose sharply from 15,000 in 1958 to 57,000 by 1960. Many who had initially planned to return to the Caribbean chose to settle permanently instead, bringing their families to avoid potential re-entry restrictions. Family reunification thus became a central factor in Caribbean migration during this period.   The arrival of the Windrush generation marked a transformative shift in the UK’s social, economic, and political spheres. Caribbean immigrants became essential to rebuilding Britain’s post-war economy, filling labour shortages in vital sectors such as the NHS, transport, and manufacturing. Despite facing discrimination in housing, employment, and public life, their contributions laid the foundation for a more diverse, inclusive Britain.   A Legacy of Change The Caribbean community has had an undeniable impact on British society. The arrival of the HMT Empire Windrush in 1948 marked the beginning of large-scale immigration from British colonies to the UK. While smaller waves of migration from these colonies had occurred since the 15th century, it was the postwar influx that profoundly reshaped British society. This wave played a key role in shaping integration policies that laid the foundation for today’s multicultural Britain, fostering a shared British identity among descendants of immigrants from New Commonwealth countries, including Black Britons and British Asians. In politics, the Windrush generation was instrumental in advancing race relations and anti-discrimination laws. Their experiences highlighted the lack of integration policies in Britain, bringing racial issues to the forefront and paving the way for the Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968, and 1976, as well as the creation of the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE). They also played a significant role in developing and implementing multicultural policies, with intellectuals like Stuart Hall and local authorities such as Lambeth Council leading the way during the 1970s and 1980s. In the 1980s, the formation of “Black Sections” within the Labour Party emphasised the Windrush generation's influence, advocating for greater Black and Asian representation. This movement led to the historic election of figures such as Diane Abbott, Bernie Grant, Paul Boateng, and Keith Vaz in 1987. Their success in securing these positions helped broaden political inclusion, paving the way for today’s more diverse British Parliament. Culturally, the Windrush generation brought Caribbean traditions, cuisine, and music to British life, creating a unique and enduring impact. Events like the Notting Hill Carnival - first organised by activist Claudia Jones in 1959 was a response to race riots - grew into major celebrations of multiculturalism, showcasing Caribbean heritage while fostering an evolving British identity. The influences of reggae and calypso later shaped distinct UK music genres such as Lovers Rock, Jungle and Garage, while Caribbean cuisine, like Jamaican patties, became everyday British fare. The 2018 Windrush Scandal exposed the struggles faced by longstanding Caribbean residents, sparking public outcry and leading to policy reforms aimed at protecting the rights of Commonwealth citizens. The scandal amplified debates around race, immigration, and government accountability, reinvigorating calls for fairer immigration policies. The resilience and advocacy of the Windrush generation have deeply influenced the UK’s cultural and political landscape, weaving Caribbean influences into the nation’s identity. This enduring legacy is symbolised by the National Windrush Monument at Waterloo Station, which celebrates their impact on British society and their role in broadening the definition of what it means to be British. Sources: https://theconversation.com/unravelling-the-windrush-myth-the-confidential-government-communications-that-reveal-authorities-did-not-want-caribbean-migrants-to-come-to-britain-206225 The Unwanted: The Secret Windrush Files https://youtu.be/f_rzJTNZSLM?feature=shared (1) https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/the-empire-windrush/empire-windrush-life-for-migrants-in-the-1940s-and-50s/ (2) https://www.readingmuseum.org.uk/explore/online-exhibitions/windrush-day/windrush-day-enigma-arrival/1-caribbean-condition-pre (3) https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/bound-for-britain/ (4) https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/commonwealth-migration-since-1945/unemployment-statistics-british-colonies/ (5) https://www.migrationmuseum.org/the-last-great-exodus-of-british-migrants/#:~:text=In%20the%20years%20after%20the,emigrated%20from%20the%20United%20Kingdom . (6) https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/west-indian-immigration-to-the-united-states-1900/ (7) https://freemovement.org.uk/a-short-guide-to-the-legal-position-and-history-of-the-windrush-generation/ (8) https://archives.blog.parliament.uk/2022/10/11/go-it-alone-jamaica-trinidad-tobagos-independence/ (9) https://www.ltmuseum.co.uk/collections/stories/people/london-transports-caribbean-recruitment (10) https://www.ourmigrationstory.org.uk/oms/london-on-the-move-west-indian-transport-workers   (11) https://features.kingsfund.org.uk/windrush-and-the-nhs/#:~:text=The%20founding%20of%20the%20NHS,rebuild%20the%20'mother%20country'.&text=HMT%20Empire%20Windrush%20arrived%20at%20Tilbury%20Docks%20on%2022%20June,settle%20in%20the%20United%20Kingdom (12) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London_in_World_War_II (13)

Kemi Badenoch , the first Black woman to lead a major political party in the UK, has controversially suggested that the concept of a Black community should be "consigned to history," arguing that it no longer reflects modern realities. So, is the Black community still relevant, or has growing diversity made the concept outdated? Can a collective Black identity persist amidst differing histories, nationalities, religions, and socio-economic experiences? Or do shared systemic challenges continue to unify Black Britons? In this blog post, we’ll explore how the concept of a ‘Black community’ in the UK has evolved and whether it remains relevant today. Has the idea of a tightly unified Black community become outdated, replaced by a more fluid notion of a Black population with looser connections? Let’s dive in and unpack this question. The Foundations of a Black Community in Britain To answer these questions, it’s important to reflect on how the concept of the 'Black community' has evolved over time. It was never just a cultural construct - it was born out of necessity. Black communities have existed in the UK since at least the early 1500s, brought to Britain through various routes: some were brought via enslavement as servants, others worked on ships or served as soldiers in the Napoleonic Wars , the American War of Independence, and later the First World War. Some also came as students who chose to stay. These communities were primarily based in seaport cities like London, Bristol, Cardiff’s Tiger Bay, and Liverpool, making them some of the UK’s oldest Black communities. Though small in number—fewer than 0.1% of the population until the mid-20th century—these groups were highly diverse, including West Africans, Caribbean's, and sailors or ‘Lascars’ from the Asian continent, East and Southern Africa. There were also members of the poor white working class, often women who had married Black men. They supported one another against widespread social prejudice, though they rarely referred to themselves explicitly as a "Black community." The arrival of the Windrush generation in 1948 marked a pivotal moment in the formation of a Black community. As they helped rebuild post-war Britain, they faced widespread hostility, much like earlier Black communities, but on a much larger scale. The discriminatory signs, “No Blacks, No Dogs, No Irish,” became a stark symbol of the blatant discrimination they encountered. In response, Black communities strengthened their bonds of solidarity. West Indian arrivals joined existing communities in cities like Liverpool and Bristol or established new ones in areas such as Brixton in London, and Handsworth in Birmingham. A key moment of activism came with the Bristol Bus Boycott , led by Paul Stephenson—whose family had been British-born for generations—alongside Roy Hackett, Owen Henry, Audley Evans, and Prince Brown from the campaigning group the West Indian Development Council. They built support systems through community centres, churches, and pardner savings groups. For instance, after being made unwelcome at his local church, Dr. Oliver A. Lyseight founded the New Testament Church of God, providing a refuge for Black immigrants who often faced racism in white churches. (1) Similarly, “pardner” saving groups were established to help members buy homes, which they rented out rooms to fellow migrants. These institutions nurtured a sense of belonging. The Black community of the 1950s and 1960s wasn’t just focused on survival—it became a platform for political mobilisation. Activists such as Claudia Jones and David Pitt , alongside groups like the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination, fought for legislative and societal change, laying the foundation for the UK’s civil rights movement in the 1970s and 1980s. This generation of Caribbean and African migrants, together with existing Black Britons, built a collective identity to confront racism and exclusion. While they didn’t always label themselves as a “Black community,” their actions reflected unity and resilience. The Rise of the Black British identity Today, some mistakenly believe the term "Black British" was imposed by the state. In truth, it was coined by the children of Caribbean immigrants. Born and raised in the UK, these young people rejected their parents' slower, more cautious approach to life. They embraced change, recognising that despite its racial challenges, Britain was their home. Black British youth faced systemic barriers in various aspects of life. In education, they were often steered into lower academic tiers and subjected to harsher disciplinary measures. They were also disproportionately targeted by the police under the controversial SUS laws , which allowed stop-and-search based solely on suspicion. Beyond these institutional challenges, they endured violence from far-right groups such as the National Front. In response to these shared struggles, they adopted "Black" as a unifying identity—one that transcended national or ethnic boundaries and reflected their collective experience. “Black” became a political coalition, an umbrella term for people in the UK who were likely to experience discrimination based on their skin colour—essentially, anyone who was not white. For example, the British Black Panthers Party, founded by Nigerian-born Obi Egbuna in 1968, focused on resisting police brutality, adopting the principle of "political blackness" to unite not just African and Caribbean communities, but also members of the South Asian community in their shared struggle against systemic injustice. This era witnessed a vibrant cultural renaissance. Reggae, ska, and dub poetry emerged as powerful forms of resistance, with artists like Linton Kwesi Johnson confronting systemic racism through their evocative work. Meanwhile, genres like   Lovers Rock  and UK Soul achieved global recognition, with Black British acts such as Loose Ends, Five Star, and Soul II Soul gaining prominence in the American R&B scene. The literary world thrived, with authors like Buchi Emecheta and Caryl Phillips delving into themes of migration, identity, and belonging. In cinema, filmmakers like Horace Ové spotlighted Black British experiences through influential works like as Pressure  and A Hole in Babylon , breaking new ground in storytelling. The 1981 New Cross Fire, in which 13 Black youths tragically lost their lives, became a pivotal moment for racial justice, igniting the Black People’s Day of Action, where over 20,000 marched through London demanding accountability and change. This era also witnessed a surge in political activism and cultural expression. Significant milestones included the Race Relations Act of 1976, which tackled indirect discrimination, and Diane Abbott’s historic 1987 election as the first Black woman in Parliament, marking a watershed in political representation. Organisations like the Black Sections of the Labour Party played a crucial role in amplifying Black and Asian voices in politics, further shaping the fight for equality. By the 1990s, the concept of political Blackness began to wane, and the term "Black British" became more closely associated with people of African and Afro-Caribbean descent. (2) The second generation of Black Britons, born and raised in the UK, forged a unique identity that blended their ancestral heritage with British culture. This hybrid identity shaped contemporary understandings of what it means to be Black British, a term initially embraced by African immigrants as well. A Changing Black Population By the 2000s, however, many African migrants began prioritising their national identities over collective terms like "Black British." Migration from countries such as Nigeria, Ghana, Zimbabwe, and Somalia during this period reshaped the demographic composition of Black Britain. (3) Africans became the majority, outnumbering Caribbean Britons two to one. These migrants arrived for diverse reasons: to study, work in the NHS and care sectors, reunite with family, or seek asylum. (3) Some also migrated from European countries like the Netherlands and Denmark after gaining citizenship there, enriching Black Britain with cultural and linguistic diversity. While contributing to the broader Black British identity, many African migrants preferred specific identifiers, such as Nigerian-British or Somali-British, reflecting strong national pride. For refugees, survival and rebuilding their lives often took precedence over adopting collective terms like "Black British," which they found disconnected from their immediate realities. Globalisation and the digital age further reinforced individualism, as digital connectivity and easier travel maintained strong ties to home countries, complicating efforts to forge a unified identity. These differences occasionally led to tensions between African and Caribbean-descended Britons. For Caribbean Britons, the collective struggle against systemic racism remains central to their identity. In contrast, many African migrants, who arrived after significant civil rights milestones, may feel less urgency to adopt Blackness as a political identity. Public figures like Kemi Badenoch have attempted to capitalise on these debates, questioning whether terms like "Black community" still capture the complexities of modern Black British experiences. Does the Black Community Still Exist? Despite increasing diversity, shared systemic challenges continue to unify Black Britons. Unemployment rates for Black Britons remain disproportionately high compared to White Britons, and racial disparities persist in healthcare, education, and policing. (4) Black women face disproportionately high maternal mortality rates, and Black men are disproportionately subjected to stop-and-search measures and overrepresented in the prison system. (5) Movements like Black Lives Matter demonstrate the enduring potential for collective action. Though the concept of a "Black community" may be less cohesive than during the Windrush era, solidarity around systemic inequality remains powerful. Generational shifts are also reshaping identity dynamics, with the second generation of African Britons leading a cultural renaissance. Building on the legacies of the 1970s and 1980s, contemporary artists such as Stormzy, Michaela Coel, Dave, and J Hus redefine representation, while genres like UK Grime and Afroswing highlight the creative evolution of a modern Black British identity. Initiatives like UK Black History Month , championed by Ghanaian activist Akyaaba Addai-Sebo, also foster dialogue and collaboration, bridging divides within the Black British population. These efforts highlight how diversity and shared history can coexist within a broader collective identity. So, is there still a Black community in the UK? The answer largely depends on how we define “community.” If we consider it as the tightly unified groups of the Windrush era, then the answer is no. However, the Black British population continues to share systemic barriers and cultural contributions that foster meaningful connections. Rather than questioning whether the Black community still exists, it may be more productive to explore how it adapts and thrives in an ever-changing society. By embracing diversity alongside shared challenges, Black Britons can forge an inclusive identity that honours the past while celebrating modern experiences. Sources: https://www.blackhistoryandheritage.com/history/stories/lseight.html (1) https://qz.com/1219398/political-blackness-a-very-british-concept-with-a-complex-history (2) https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/national-insurance-number-allocations-to-adult-overseas-nationals-entering-the-uk (3) https://www.newstatesman.com/world/uk/2020/07/lifetime-inequality-how-black-britons-face-discrimination-every-age (4) https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm5803/cmselect/cmwomeq/94/report.html (5)

Black History Month UK 2022 'Sharing Journeys' campaign - exploring the lives of Britons with West African heritage Chief Lapido Solanke was born Oladipo Felix Solanke in the Yoruba town of Abeokuta, in southwest Nigeria around 1886. He was the second child and only son of Adeyola Ejiwunmi and her husband, who had adopted the name of Paley from the Scottish missionary who had raised him. He was educated at St Andrew’s Training Institution in Oyo, Nigeria, and then later went to Fourah Bay College in Sierra Leone to obtain a bachelor’s degree in 1922. Later that year he travelled to England, to complete his legal studies at University College London (1923-8) and subsequently qualified as a barrister. Colonial Britain was not a very welcoming place for students from African and Caribbean nations. Students often faced racism, harassment, and various other forms of discrimination daily. Consequentially, some students sort to culturally adapt to their new and hostile environment. A proud Yoruba from Western Nigeria, Solanke was shocked by the lack of interest his fellow Nigerian students displayed towards their heritage whilst in London. He took up teaching the Yoruba language to raise additional funds and for a time he worked as a teacher of Yoruba at London University. He also performed Yoruba poetry and in June 1924, he became the first person to broadcast on the radio in Yoruba. Under the moniker, Omo Lisabi, he made some of the first Yoruba records for Zonophone in 1926. His voice was popular on the radio, where he utilised the Yoruba language to dish out propaganda against colonial rule. He produced and distributed leaflets, written in English and Yoruba, which caused panic within the ranks of the British colonial establishment. But he felt that a greater effort was needed to tackle the racism and discrimination his fellow West African students experienced. Spurred on by his experiences of poverty and racism, he and twelve other students founded the Nigerian Progress Union the next month in July 1924. With the encouragement and help of Amy Ashwood Garvey (the first wife of Marcus Garvey and leading Pan-Africanist) to promote the welfare of Nigerian students. Solanke’s career as an activist and political organiser began after he successfully launched a public complaint against the 1924 Empire Exhibition in Wembley. The £20 million exhibition was created to strengthen ties within its “Empire”, stimulate trade and demonstrate “Britain’s greatness at home and abroad after WW1” by displaying the “exotic cultures of the British Empire.” It was a very popular event, attracting 27 million visitors over six months. One display, incredibly, presented a model African village with West Africans on display as curios. Offensive press coverage of the village implied the participants were “cannibals”, with an article in the Evening News (today’s Evening Standard) even claiming that “cannibalism and black magic” had been common in Nigeria until recent years. He wrote to the weekly news magazine 'West Africa' to complain and his close friend Amy Ashwood Garvey backed his protest too. As a representative of the Union of Students of African Descent, a precursor to the WASU, Solanke protested against this willful misrepresentation of African people and their customs. In a series of letters, he reminded the colonial authorities that countries like Nigeria had contributed thousands of pounds to an event where African cultures were, in his words, routinely held up to “public ridicule.” His complaint gained enough support to secure the closure of “the African Village” for the remainder of the season. The racism espoused at the exhibition mirrored the daily reality of African students in Britain at the time. These were students from elite families, who had received a European education in their home countries to train them for positions in the colonial administration . Their familiarity with British culture jarred with the hostile reception they received on arrival, where they were frequently barred from accommodation or abused in the streets – experiences that became known as “the colour bar”. This wave of students had come of age in an intellectual climate shaped by an emerging pan-African consciousness. Fundamentally, they did not see themselves as inferior to the colonial powers and expected to take the reins of government when they returned home. So not surprisingly, in this atmosphere, Solanke joined forces with Dr. Bankole-Bright in 1925 and founded the West African Student’s Union (WASU). The next year the organisation began publishing its journal, WASU, with many of the articles written by Solanke himself. While a donation from Jamaican political activist Marcus Garvey , who supported the students’ pan-Africanist ideals, provided the fledgling organisation with its first temporary premises in 1928. Solanke spent the next four years traveling in west Africa to raise funds for the union and establish WASU branches across Britain’s west African colonies—Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, and the Gambia. Whilst on the fundraising tour of West Africa, he met and married his wife Opeolu in 1932. Together they returned to Britain, and he became the warden of the WASU hostel that opened in Camden Town in 1933. Because of this tour, WASU branches were formed throughout the region, and Solanke and WASU were able to establish significant political contacts with anti-colonial forces in West Africa, and provide the link between them and the anti-colonial movement in Britain. Solanke also completed a further fundraising tour of West Africa during 1944–8, before the opening of WASU’s third London hostel at Chelsea Embankment in 1949. Solanke’s activities on behalf of WASU periodically brought him into conflict with the Colonial Office and sometimes with other black leaders in Britain. However, as WASU secretary-general, he was also able to establish the union as a significant anti-colonial and anti-racist organisation in Britain. During the Second World War Solanke established closer relations between WASU and several leading members of the Labour Party’s Fabian Colonial Bureau, including Reginald Sorensen, who subsequently became godfather to one of his children. Because of these links, they established a West African parliamentary committee, with Labour MPs as members, which enabled WASU to act as a more effective parliamentary pressure group. During the 1950s, due to political differences within WASU, Solanke was gradually marginalised from the central role he had once enjoyed. He continued to run a student hostel in London and formed his breakaway organisation, WASU Un-incorporated, which he led until he died in 1958. Under Solanke’s leadership, WASU became the main social, cultural, and political focus for West Africans in Britain for just over twenty-five years. It served as a training ground for many future political leaders, including Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah , and Nigeria’s H.O Davies , and played an important role in agitating for an end to colonial rule in Britain’s West African colonies. Sadly, Solanke died two years before Nigeria gained its independence on the 1st October 1960. He died of lung cancer at the National Temperance Hospital, St Pancras, London, on 2 September 1958. His funeral and burial took place on 6 September at Great Northern London cemetery, Southgate. Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ladipo_Solanke https://dcrn.northeastern.edu/ladipo-solanke/ https://wasuproject.org.uk/2012/01/29/key-figures-ladipo-solanke/ https://qz.com/africa/1979035/how-west-african-students-in-london-fought-for-african-independence/ https://twitter.com/yorubahistory/status/1212706643919679488 https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Ladipo-Solanke-Photo-courtesy-Opeolu-Ogunbiyi_fig1_354748254 https://thecesf.org/lif_story/ladipo-solanke-used-his-speech-eloquence-writing-prowess/

In August 1925, a Nigerian law student, Lapido Solanke , and a Sierra Leonean doctor, Herbert Bankole-Bright founded the West African Students’ Union (WASU) in London, England. It became a key political, social and cultural organisation for West Africans in Britain and the main African organisation in the UK for over thirty years. As early as 1923, Solanke had proposed that the Union of Students of African Descent (USAD), a Christian social organisation dominated by students from the West Indies (and which had grown out of the earlier West African and West Indian Christian Union, founded in 1917), should incorporate itself into the National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA) . In 1925, Bankole-Bright of the NCBWA called on USAD, the Nigeria Progress Union, the African Progress Union and the Gold Coast Students' Association (GCSA) to join together to form a single organisation for West African students, inspired by the Indian Students' Union. Many students joined together to form WASU, and Solanke became the new organisation's secretary-general, while J. B. Danquah became its first president. J. E. Casely Hayford was the new grouping's first patron, a post he used to promote African nationalism. WASU’s founders were intentional about the organisation’s Pan-Africanism. Solanke visited and established chapters in several British West African colonies. The organisation soon became a hub for anti-racist and decolonial thinkers across the diaspora. In fact, one of WASU’s early donors was Marcus Garvey , a Jamaican political activist and founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) , who helped the organization obtain its first meetinghouse. African immigrants made up a very small minority in 1920s and 1930s London but faced considerable racial discrimination. Records from the Colonial Office suggest that there were around 125 African students at universities in Britain in 1929. By 1951, this number had risen dramatically to 2,300. Over its 30-year history, the WASU would move to a new location in Camden and open a second hostel on Chelsea Embankment due to increasing demand. White-owned establishments could legally refuse Black tenants, and so a key aim of WASU was "to provide and maintain a hostel for students of African descent." The Colonial Office were keen to take control of the project, and in 1929, whilst Solanke was away in West Africa raising funds for the hostel, they assembled a secret plan to build their own hostel. This became Aggrey House, which WASU exposed in their pamphlet The Truth About Aggrey House – An Exposure of the Government Plan to Control African Students in Great Britain. WASU opened its first hostel in March 1933 on Camden Road to provide accommodation to students and visitors of African descent. At a time when white-owned establishments could legally refuse Black tenants, the hostel was designed to be a “home away from home” for Africans in the diaspora. Known as “Africa House”, it gave members access to meals, a library, a reading room, a games room and space to welcome visitors. Solanke’s wife, Chief Opeolu Solanke-Ogunbiyi, became the matriarch of the hostel and was known as Mama WASU. Given that Africa House had a restaurant, Mama WASU solicited traditional African ingredients, things like egusi and ewuro, from her mother in Nigeria who sent them to her by passenger ship. Mama WASU hired an Irish cook for the hostel and taught her how to make traditional Nigerian dishes for the tenants. The WASU campaigned against racism in Britain and against colonialism and for independence in West Africa. Its activities included producing a journal, Wasu, and founding four hostels in London to provide lodgings and a ‘home from home’ for West African students and other African visitors at a time when as a result of racism and the ‘colour bar’ it was difficult or impossible for them to secure accommodation. In October 1934, the Colonial Office opened the rival hostel ‘Aggrey House’ in which political discussion could be monitored and discouraged. WASU opposed the scheme and formed an "Africa House Defence Committee", including Paul Robeson , who was awarded the title "Babasale of the Union", also gaining the support of the National Council for Civil Liberties, Negro Welfare Association, and League Against Imperialism. They encouraged students to boycott the hostel which remained unfilled until the Colonial Office offered WASU official recognition and financial support to run Africa House. In financial difficulties, WASU accepted the deal, and also accepted funding from organisations such as the United African Company. WASU also undertook some political campaigns within Britain. In 1929, it successfully stopped plans for an African village exhibition in Newcastle, which it felt would be exploitative. This campaign was taken up in Parliament by the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) Member of Parliament Shapurji Saklatvala . During the 1930s, WASU steadily expanded its work from student affairs and social movements to more formal political action. By 1930 WASU had persuaded a committee of Labour MPs to advocate for West African interests in Parliament. However, over time, the organisation’s position evolved from one of reforming colonial systems to openly opposing them. The group developed increasing links with communist groups, such as the League Against Imperialism (LAI) and the Negro Welfare Association, in particular in its campaigns against the colour bar and against the Italian invasion of Ethiopia. WASU was a leading voice against Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. The call for decolonisation intensified with World War II and the conscription of colonial subjects including many Africans, in the fight against Nazi Germany. WASU argued that England could not call on African colonial subjects to fight in its defence while denying them independence at home. In 1937, the Gold Coast Farmers Union wrote to Solanke, asking for his assistance in breaking the cocoa cartel of Cadbury's and the UAC. With Labour Party MPs Reginald Sorensen and Arthur Creech Jones, WASU campaigned in support of the 1938 Gold Coast cocoa hold-up, where small farmers attempted to pressurise the companies by disrupting their supplies. The following year in July 1938, with grants from various West African governments and British companies, WASU opened a new hostel, on Camden Square. This also solved the union's financial problems and enabled it to step up its campaigning activity. WASU became increasingly identified as an anti-colonial group, and it called for dominion status and universal suffrage for the West African colonies. Clement Attlee gave a speech to the union in which he suggested that the Atlantic Charter would apply to all nations, effectively endorsing WASU's aims, but Winston Churchill insisted that self-determination could only apply to European nations. In 1942, WASU made its first formal demand of the British Empire for the independence of its African colonies within five years of the end of the war. Harold Macmillan personally visited Africa House to argue the British government's case. And although their demand didn’t come to fruition, it planted a seed that inevitably contributed to African decolonization. Five years later in 1947, under vice-president Kwame Nkrumah, WASU called for an immediate decision on independence for the West African colonies and criticised the Labour government for its failure to deliver this. By the 1950s WASU’s influence began to decline as the fight for West African nationalism moved to the colonial territories. But It was one of the most important political organisations in Britain from the 1920s until the 1960s. It acted as a training ground for future West African politicians and from the late 1930s established branches and distributed its journal throughout West Africa and internationally. Through its branches and individual links, it was a major influence on the anti-colonial movements in Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone and Gambia. Its members included Kwame Nkrumah, who became the first head of state of independent Ghana in 1957, Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya’s first president, and Hastings Banda, Malawi’s first president. WASU played a pivotal role in West Africa’s fight for independence from colonial Britain. That must and can not be forgotten. In 2012, University of Chichester history professor Hakim Adi created The WASU Project to revive the legacy of the movement. The WASU Project aims to document the history of West Africans in Britain, especially those who campaigned for an end to colonial rule and against all forms of racism during the 20th century, by presenting information, photos, and eventually a film about WASU. He told the Quartz Africa publication: “The dominant view of Black British history tends to exclude people from the African continent and focus on people from the Caribbean. There are a lot of things that people don’t know about the history of Africans in Britain, or in Africa for that matter,” he told Quartz Africa. “You don’t see documentaries or dramas on TV about it, and that’s problematic. In that sense, it’s not widely recognised but that’s a reflection of the way that history is presented.” On the 30th October 2020, the Nubian Jak Community Trust launched the Black Plaque project to celebrate notable Black Britons and organisations. A temporary Black Plaque was erected on Camden Road to commemorate Lapido Solanke and WASU. Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_African_Students%27_Union#cite_note-9 https://qz.com/africa/1979035/how-west-african-students-in-london-fought-for-african-independence/ https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/west-african-students-union-wasu/ https://wasuproject.org.uk/ https://www.kofastudy.com/courses/ss2-government-3rd-term/lessons/some-key-nationalist-movements-and-nationalist-leaders-and-their-contributions-week-2/topic/west-african-student-union/

By Dr Hannah Lowe This article which is republished from  The Conversation  under a Creative Commons license.  Read the original .

Lizzie Emeh was an award winning Irish, Nigerian and British musician and disabilities rights campaigner. On the 9th October, Google Doodle celebrated award winning Irish, Nigerian, British musician and songwriter Lizzie Emeh, who was a champion for people with learning disabilities. On this day in 2009, Lizzie released her first album Loud and Proud. Lizzie was born in Notting Hill, West London and when she was a baby, her parents were told that she would never walk or talk. By four years old, Emeh overcame those expectations, as she would continue to do throughout her life. Surrounded by a family that inspired her passion for music, she knew she wanted to pursue it as a career. Emeh was discovered at an open mic night in 1999 and she soon joined Heart n Soul, an arts organization working toward an inclusive future. With this organization, Emeh began to perform across Europe and the world, notably playing at the Glastonbury Festival and Heart n Soul Unplugged in Asia. Emeh also enjoyed writing songs about her personal experiences, as she did on Loud and Proud . The title reflects her desire to be open and celebratory about disabilities. She described the album as “eclectic, wide-ranging, and with lots of soul.” Not long after it was released, she took her original music to the world stage at the 2012 London Paralympics opening ceremony. Her next album was a three-part EP trilogy, collectively titled See Me. The three parts, The Clan, My Baboo, and Meds , delved into her relationships and mental health. Listen to Lizzie, an album of love and empowerment with a more reggae sound, was released posthumously in 2023. Emeh won multiple national awards for her contribution to music and her legacy can be explored through her albums that are written straight from the heart. She is also remembered for championing the rights of people with learning disabilities and inspiring more disabled people to enter the music industry. Thank you for sharing your stories and musical talents with the world, Lizzie Emeh! A word from Lizzie's family Special thanks to Lizzie Emeh’s estate, for their collaboration on this project. Below Monica, Lizzie’s sister, shares her thoughts on today’s Doodle and Lizzie’s legacy. Lizzie always had a passion for music ever since she was a child. When she was young, she received a recording unit which had a mic, and she started singing straightaway, she loved it. Our house was always filled with music. Lizzie had a tough start to life, she was born with severe medical complications and our parents were told she would never walk or talk. However she proved the doctors wrong and continued to defy the odds throughout her life. Lizzie’s career really started to develop in 1999 when she was discovered by Heart n Soul, a creative arts charity based in South East London. They supported her to develop her music and helped nurture her career. I remember going to see her perform in the early days. It was normal to see Lizzie burst out in song at home, but it was such a surprise seeing her on stage. We didn’t know she had that confidence, she was brilliant and we were so proud of her. When she told us about making her first album Loud and Proud , we thought it was amazing. She was writing and producing songs and it was incredible. I came to many of her performances over the years, her music was great. I loved seeing her perform, it was amazing to see how all the audience felt included in her performance. Lizzie achieved so much in her life from creating lots of music, performing across the world and winning awards for her achievements in music. Lizzie was also passionate about talking about the lives and rights of people with learning disabilities. She wanted to inspire people and let them know that they can make their dreams come true, just like she did. Lizzie would have been so proud to know she is being honoured in this way, she wouldn’t have stopped talking about it! She believed in working hard and always doing your best. Lizzie was loud, proud, positive, happy and joyful! We miss her. -Monica Emeh

Every year on the 22nd June the UK commemorates the contributions of Caribbean people to the post-war economy on Windrush Day . We’ll not only recognise the day but celebrate the whole of the month as Windrush Month , and this year we’ll be exploring the lives and impact of the Windrush generation through our theme ‘Celebrating the Caribbean pioneers of 1940s and 1950s Britain.' ​ The HMT Empire Windrush is widely recognised today for bringing one of the first large groups of post-war West Indian immigrants to the United Kingdom. However, the Empire Windrush wasn't the only ship. In fact, there are two ships documented to have sailed from the Caribbean to the UK  before the Windrush’s arrival in June 1948. We'll be taking a closer look at this story and also examining the lives of some of the early Caribbean pioneers of the 1940s and 1950s such as: Sam King,  Sam King and Althea McNish. ​ Profiles Features Why did Caribbeans come to the UK after the 2nd World War? The forgotten migrant ships that came before Windrush in 1947. Why do we celebrate Windrush Day in the UK? Test your knowledge and play our specially themed Windrush 2024 Big Fat Quiz! Check our Windrush inspired music playlist.

Angela M explains Black History Month UK and how to celebrate this October. October marks the start of Black History Month UK – a time to celebrate and remember African and Caribbean heritage peoples' achievements and contributions to the British economy, culture, and history. It's a chance to tell the stories of those lesser well-known Black Britons who we will forget if we don't showcase them. What is Black History Month UK? Black History Month UK began in October 1987 by Akyaaba Sebo, a special projects coordinator of the Ethnic Minorities Unit at the now defunct Great London Council. He wanted to boost the self-esteem of Black British children and young adults by educating them on the long history and achievements of Black people living in the UK. Taking inspiration from Black History Month (also known as African American History Month) in the United States. The first event was held on 1 October 1987 at County Hall and was attended by American historian Dr. Maulana Karenga, who founded the African American holiday of Kwanzaa; and Kenyan women’s activist Wanjiru Kihoro. It has since evolved into a national movement recognised by the British government and observed throughout the UK. It is also recognised in other parts of the world during October in Ireland and the Netherlands. In the US, where Black History Month originated, the awareness month is held in February. It is also celebrated in Canada in February too when it was officially recognised in 1995. Since the 1990s, the significance of Black History Month has gradually increased throughout continental Europe and it is now observed in Germany and Belgium in February.  What are the origins of Black History Month? In 1926, African-American historian Carter G Woodson  started national Negro History Week   to advocate for the inclusion of American Black History in the US national public education system. Over time, and with the momentum and support of the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, the week gradually morphed into the month it is today. In 1976, US Black History Month (or African American Month as it’s now regularly referred to) was officially recognised by President Gerald Ford. Why is it celebrated at different times across the globe? After visiting America in the 1970s, Addai-Sebo created a British version of Black History Month in 1987, but they are not officially linked. In the United States, Black History Month takes place in February to coincide with the births of Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln.  Addai-Sebo chose to celebrate Black History Month UK in October because of the month's importance in the African calendar. More importantly, it was the start of the British academic year. Why should we separate Black History Month celebrations in the US and UK? When Black History Month UK started in the UK, there was a big emphasis on African American history. Over time the focus has moved to celebrating and recognising Black British history  and key Black figures in the UK. It’s important also that we focus only on British Black history as the Black British community is a composite of peoples with different cultures and identities. Some individuals with a lineage beginning long before the Windrush generation and others with distinct and very different cultures rooted in the African and Caribbean continents. Why do we celebrate Black History Month UK 2024?  Last year, The Guardian  reported that ‘Half of Britons can’t name a Black historical figure’. Their findings were taken from a survey conducted by YouGov, which found the majority of British people have almost zero knowledge of Black British history. While more than half (53%) of Britons could not name any Black British historical figures and only 7% could name more than four. These results demonstrate the continued importance and need for Black History Month in the UK. Although the teaching of BAME history and racism is mandatory in Wales, it's not compulsory to be taught in the rest of the UK. Black history can be taught as part of the history and English curriculum in secondary schools, but whether pupils get to study it depends on modules chosen by schools. “All British history needs to be taught as one history. It’s all our history” said Atinuke, the award-winning writer of ‘Brilliant Black British History’ publication. Black History Month exists to tell these missing stories in our own voices. It’s our chance to shine a light on the individuals who have been omitted from the mainstream and whose contributions would be forgotten with Black History Month UK. It's a time to celebrate Black Britons who are making history now too.  It also provides us with a space to tackle racial discrimination head-on within our society by encouraging government, institutions, and corporations to advocate for diversity, equality, and inclusion. Do we really need Black History Month UK?  Some campaigners argue against the existence and usefulness of the month as they believe it marginalizes UK Black history and that it should, rightly, be remembered all year round. Organisations such as The Black Curriculum  are working hard to address the lack of Black British history in the UK curriculum through campaigning, training teachers, and delivering Black history programmes. While the Black Cultural Archives (BCA) , an archive and heritage centre in Brixton, London, is dedicated to preserving and promoting the histories of African and Caribbean descendants in Britain. But Black History Month UK, like many other national and international events, provides us with an opportunity to remember individuals and events that would never be included in a racially inclusive national curriculum and would remain forgotten to the annals of time. What are the aims of Black History Month in the UK? Celebrate and recognise the achievements of African and Caribbean heritage people's role in helping to shape UK culture, history, and economic development. Educating the UK population on how the relationships between Britain, Africa, the Caribbean, and the United States helped create modern Britain. To encourage government, institutions, and corporations to embrace and adopt equality and diversity policies. What is the theme of Black History Month UK 2024?  Our theme for Black History Month UK 2024 is ‘Celebrating our Changemakers’ .  This October we’ll be examining key moments in UK Black history and looking at the people behind them. Throughout the month we’ll be examing events such as the First Pan African Conference, the arrival of Caribbean soldiers in Britain to fight in the 2WW, and the election of Black and Asian MPs in 1983. We’ll also be shining a spotlight on the UK's first Black MP, Diane Abbott, Henry Sylvester Williams, Marion Patrick Jones, Olaudah Equiano, Obi Egbuna and Stella Thomas. We’ll be asking the UK Black Community to commemorate the month by sharing their own family histories using the hashtag #bhmfamilies How can I celebrate Black History Month UK 2024? Black History Month is an excellent opportunity for people from all backgrounds to educate themselves on Black Britain’s history and the often-overlooked people who have made a difference to the country. There are a variety of ways you can observe the month: Attend any of the hundreds of events taking place up and down the country to commemorate Black History Month. Show your support online by sharing our Black History Month UK post on your social media channel during the month. Take on the #BHMFamilies selfie challenge  Why not watch our '10 ways to celebrate Black History Month UK’' video for more ideas? How should educational organisations and business corporations recognise the month? Our theme for Black History Month UK 2024 is ‘Celebrating Changemakers,' and we advise any schools and colleges interested in exploring the topic in greater detail to visit The Black Curriculum website or attend Black Cultural Archive (BCA), which have an extensive range of educational resources relating to the theme.  We encourage business corporations to provide a safe space for all individuals who wish to commemorate the month in which stories can be shared – personal experiences and/or inspiring stories. But to also remember that not everybody may want to be involved in your Black History Month planning simply because of their ethnic background. Such assumptions place the burden of responsibility on them, and if they’re a visible minority in your workplace, they might feel tokenized about their role in your workplace. Remember, for best results, you should be recognizing all your employees, all year round!  Companies are also advised to run a diversity and inclusion audit of their business – and perhaps book a Black keynote speaker to provide advice on making their workplaces more racially inclusive.  Who is the International Black History Month UK (IBHM-UK) organisation? The International Black History Month UK (IBHM-UK) was created in June 2020 by a group of Black Britons with a passion for investigating and curating the hidden and forgotten stories of Britain’s black past. We’re committed to raising the profile of the month amongst the African, Caribbean and Black British community in the UK. As one of our young volunteer interns explains: “Neither my primary or secondary schools celebrated Black History Month UK and I had to learn about UK Black History myself. So, I think it’s important that an organisation like this exists to fill the gaps in knowledge that many people in the UK’s African and Caribbean community may have about Britain’s black past. Our community is not a monolith, and we all have different lived experiences. BHMUK allows us all to reflect and celebrate on all the different aspects of British Black history from finding out about awe inspiring individuals like Dr Harold Moody and John Blanke to the legislative changes in UK law championed by the Windrush generation." For too long, Black History Month UK has lacked direction and focus. We decided to step into that space to ensure that this important month has a clear message and theme. Our CEO, Angela says: “I have a young son who was tasked with choosing a notable Black Briton for a school assignment and I was shocked to learn that the only resources available was a listings website with poorly researched articles and filled to the brim with job adverts. We set up this organisation to ensure that quality information and free resources are available to everyone who wants to learn about UK Black History. And more importantly, that the stories of Black Britons are told in an authentic voice that belongs to us and not someone masquerading as one of us!“ We are a local community group that provides free resources on UK Black History and hope to run themed Black UK history events in 2024 and beyond.

In Remembrance Month, Steve McQueen’s latest film Blitz continues his exploration of forgotten histories within the UK Black community. Following his previous anthology series about the Caribbean diaspora from the late 1960s to the mid-1980s , Blitz  shifts its focus to the overlooked experiences of Black people living in the UK during the devastating 1940-1 Nazi bombing campaign. The Blitz holds a mystical place in the British collective memory. It symbolizes a time of defiance, when Britain endured eight months of German bombing and was said to embody the famed "Blitz spirit." This period, marked by Britain standing alone after the fall of France, is mythologised as a symbol of resilience. However, the reality is more complex. In recent years, historians have begun to shed light on the critical role that Britain’s colonies played in the war effort. West Indian volunteers, who had witnessed the rise of fascism in Europe and racial segregation in Ethiopia after its invasion by Italy in 1935, were determined to fight against Hitler, fearing a Nazi victory would reintroduce slavery in the Caribbean. Alongside them, over 2.5 million Indians and more than 500,000 Africans were forcibly conscripted to serve on various fronts during World War II, including at Dunkirk. McQueen’s Blitz  offers a different perspective by portraying the lives of Black Britons during the Blitz, moving beyond the myths and clichés. The film follows nine-year-old George (newcomer Elliott Heffernan) on a harrowing journey through bombed-out London in search of his mother, Rita (Saoirse Ronan). His journey offers a stark portrayal of the devastation and humanity experienced by Londoners during this dark period. Although McQueen’s film aims for historical accuracy, he does not see it as a direct attempt to "correct" the historical record. "I'm not interested in correcting anything," McQueen said at the London Film Festival. "I'm an artist, and I love to work on things that mean something to me. This film is about a working-class family, a family drama set against the backdrop of a historical epic." At the same festival, McQueen shared the inspiration behind Blitz , explaining that he first thought about the Blitz in the early 2000s. His interest was piqued when he discovered a photograph of a young Black boy with a suitcase standing on a train platform, an image that lingered in his mind. McQueen’s experience as the official War Artist for the UK during the Iraq War, along with his research for his anthology film series Small Axe , led him to further explore London’s wartime diversity, particularly the experiences of Black, Jewish, and Chinese communities during the Blitz. Before its theatrical release, there was a small but vocal opposition to the film, especially on platforms like X (formerly Twitter), where McQueen’s movie was labelled as fabricated ‘woke’ nonsense. Detractors were unwilling to believe that George’s story, or the experiences of those he meets on his adventure, could be true. This reaction highlights the challenge McQueen faces in presenting a more inclusive and complex portrayal of Britain’s wartime history, one that includes the often-forgotten roles of Black and mixed-race individuals.   In Blitz , George’s story intertwines with the lives of several historical figures, including Ife, a Nigerian air-raid warden based on the real-life Ita Ekpenyon , a Nigerian lawyer who moved to the UK in the 1930s. Ekpenyon was later recruited as an air-raid warden and faced xenophobia while performing his duties in bomb shelters, a story previously highlighted in the 2021 BBC documentary Blitz Spirit with Lucy Worsley . The film also dramatizes the 1941 bombing of the Café de Paris in Leicester Square, where 34 people died, including British-Guyanese bandleader Ken "Snakehips" Johnson  and close friend of Ivor Cummings . This tragic event highlights a lesser-known aspect of the Blitz: the looting of bodies after some bombings. Johnson’s death, as well as that of his bandmates, is brought to life in McQueen’s film, which sheds light on the Black musicians who contributed to the UK’s wartime culture. Blitz  also features a diverse cast of characters, including Doris, a mixed-race Black woman working in an armament factory alongside Rita, and UK singer Celeste, who portrays a nightclub singer in the style of British artist Evelyn Dove . These characters highlight the often-overlooked contributions of mixed-race Black women to the British war effort, such as Lillian Baden  and Amelia King , who served in the Women’s Land Army during the war. The film draws attention to the real experiences of mixed-race Black evacuees during the war, including Paul Stephenson, leader of the Bristol Bus Boycott, who was evacuated at the age of three. In his autobiography Memoirs of a Black English Man , Stephenson recalls being sent to a care home in Great Dunmow with seven white children. He formed lifelong friendships and cherished his time in the countryside, a reflection of the often-forgotten history of mixed-race Black evacuees. An excellent article on The Mixed Museum website  further explores the experiences of mixed-race Black evacuees, highlighting figures like young sisters Stephanie and Constance Anita, who were evacuated from Stanion, Northamptonshire, and Marie Kamara, an eight-year-old mixed-race Black girl evacuated from East London to Winchester. These stories are rarely told but form a significant part of Britain’s wartime history. In focusing on the forgotten stories of individuals who were often sidelined in post-war narratives, Blitz  cuts through decades of nostalgia and brings the human experience of the Blitz to life. The film reveals the diverse and vital roles played by these communities during a time of national crisis, offering a more nuanced and inclusive perspective on Britain’s wartime history. Blitz  was released in selected cinemas in the US and UK on 1 November 2024 and began streaming on Apple TV+ on 22 November 2024.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read original article .

Windrush Month 2024 'Celebrating the Caribbean pioneers of the 1940s & 1950s' - exploring the lives and stories of the the early Caribbean people who came to Britain after the 2WW. As Windrush Day approaches, let us reflect on the immense achievements and inspiring stories of the early and pioneering Windrush generation of the 1940s and 1950s, who paved the way for all POC immigrants who followed in their footsteps. One such significant figure is David Pitt, Baron Pitt of Hampstead, who committed his life to medicine and politics while battling vehemently against racism and discrimination. Pitt was born in St David’s Parish, Grenada in 1913. He first visited the UK as a Grenada representative at the World Scout Jamboree in Northern England in 1929, when he was only 15. At his secondary school, the Grenada Boys Secondary School, where he won the Island Scholarship in 1932, and returned to the UK to study medicine at the University of Scotland. It was here that he developed his political perspectives and was an active member of the Edinburgh University Socialist Society. Edinburgh was in the grips of the Depression when Pitt arrived. He witnessed the poverty of the working classes in the slums of Edinburgh and saw similarities to the poverty of the rural communities in Grenada. It profoundly shaped his worldview and he said it made him a socialist. Nicholas Rea, in the British Medical Journal, summarised Pitt’s political development: “It was in the slums of Edinburgh as much as in the Caribbean that [Lord David Pitt] became convinced of the links between poverty, disadvantage, and ill health”. For Lord Pitt, access to medical support was inseparable from social and political factors – a view he maintained throughout his life. In 1936, David Pitt joined the Labour Party, and as a member of the University of Edinburgh Socialist Society, became the First Junior President of the Students’ Representative Council, the co-founding body of what is now the Edinburgh University Students Association (EUSA). He participated in Edinburgh University and UK national politics, both of which helped shape his views on Caribbean independence and politics. In 1938 Pitt graduated with a Bachelor of Medicine (MB) and Bachelor of Surgery (ChB) and moved back to the Caribbean to begin his medical career. His first job was as a District Medical Officer in Saint Vincent, followed two years later by a position in Trinidad as a house physician at San Fernando  Hospital. By the end of 1941, he had set up his own General Practice (GP) in San Fernando and was elected to serve on the local town council until 1947. The 1940s were fundamental years for politics in Trinidad and Tobago. The 2WW had ended and the countries of the Caribbean wanted their independence and the right to rule their nation’s affairs. Pitt joined the struggle and in 1943, he co-founded and was the leader of the West Indian National Party (WINP) – a socialist party whose main aim was to deliver political autonomy across the Caribbean. He believed “the whole of the Caribbean, not just any one island, [to be] his home and his political responsibility.” Under Pitt, the party demanded self-government for Trinidad and Tobago, constitutional reform, and the nationalisation of commodities industries such as oil and sugar. After decades of campaigning, to which Pitt contributed, Trinidad and Tobago were granted universal adult suffrage by the British Parliament in 1945. The following year, Trinidad and Tobago held its first public election. Pitt ran as a candidate for the United Front, made up of the WNIP and others, but was unsuccessful. Caribbean politicians and voters, unlike British Caribbean ones, did not uniformly envision a Federation of independent states like David Pitt’s party and many of the region’s trade unionists and intellectuals. (1) Nonetheless, Pitt did not give up on his political activism and “in 1947 led a group of WINP members to Britain to lobby the Clement Attlee Government for Commonwealth status for a Federation of the West Indies.” Finally disillusioned with the trajectory of mainstream Caribbean politics, David Pitt ended up settling in North London, England, in November 1947 with his wife Dorothy Elaine Alleyne, whom he had married in 1943, and their children Bruce, Phyllis, and Amanda. (1) After working as a medical assistant in Chiswick, London, to a Black doctor from Barbados who introduced him to the challenges of practicing as a medic of African descent, in 1950 David Pitt opened his surgery in Euston which treated both black and white patients. Through his medical practice, he made the political contacts that led him to a renewed involvement with the Labour Party. Because the Second World War had created a workforce shortage in the United Kingdom, the British government encouraged people from its former colonies to come and work there. The British Nationality Act of 1948 allowed persons from the then-British Empire to become citizens and live in the United Kingdom. Many West Indians were drawn to what was thought of as the motherland in quest of better opportunities. As a result, African-Caribbean immigration to Britain increased, and because the British government lacked a formal integration policy for these newcomers, many were met with hostility from the local population, in the form of racial abuse and discrimination in housing, employment, and social activities. Groups like Oswald Mosley’s Union Movement and other far-right groups such as the White Defence League, fuelled tensions by using flyers and wall graffiti to promote a message to keep Britain white (KBW). This resulted in an increase in violent attacks on Black people (men and women), particularly during the summer of 1958, known as the Notting Hill Race Riots of 1958. After delivering a brilliant speech at the 1957 Labour Party Conference, he was asked to run as a Labour Party candidate for the north London constituency of Hampstead in the 1959 General Election. He was the first person of African-Caribbean descent to stand as an MP. Right-wing media outlets accused him of not deserving the candidacy, merely justifiable for The Daily Mirror as an act of “fashionable liberalism” (i.e. political correctness in today’s language) (Arnold, 2014). This was, however, only the tip of the iceberg. But this was only the tip of the iceberg. The extent of the racist discrimination David Pitt faced as a parliamentary candidate in 1959 general election reached dramatically higher levels. Over the course of the 1959 election, Oswald Mosley, a 1930s Member of Parliament known for founding and leading the British Union of Fascists, waged an aggressive campaign against Pitt, the first Black parliamentary candidate in Britain (Granger, 2007). Mosley supporters disrupted Pitt’s political hustings and heckled him with their slogan of ‘Keep Britain White.’ Fights broke out and Pitt was forced to seek police support after death threats and a barrage of abusive “go home N***r” phone calls were made to his home. Mosley was standing for the London constituency of Kensington North and based his campaign on anti-immigration propaganda, calling for the immediate repatriation of Caribbean immigrants.  David Pitt and his family became the target of death threats and anti-Black marches organised on Hampstead. The violence culminated in the firebombing of 200 Gower Street, which at the time housed the anti-apartheid and Caribbean independence movements, students of Africa House , and David and his wife Dorothy’s surgery (Arnold, 2014). (1) Pitt believed that Parliament was the best route to achieve social change. He went toe to toe with Oswald Mosley and the “White Defence League” in 1950s Notting Hill, demanding that legislation be made to make “incitement to racial hatred illegal”. He espoused radical solutions to avert tensions – such as police forces recruiting more black officers. He lost his seat to a Tory opponent, but his political career was far from done. Two years later, in 1961, he was elected to the London County Council (LCC), which was later replaced by the Greater London Council (GLC). He represented Hackney and became the GLC's first Black chairman in 1971. After experiencing mistreatment during the 1959 general election, Pitt co-founded the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination in 1964. He believed that change should often come from within the system, understanding that different situations required different approaches. In UK politics, he felt a peaceful, diplomatic strategy was necessary to address racist barriers, unlike the tactics needed in apartheid South Africa. (1) However, after meeting Martin Luther King in December 1964, Pitt realized he could take more direct action to help Black and minority ethnic communities in the UK. In January 1965, he co-founded and chaired the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) , which united the efforts of various groups, including the Federation of Pakistani Organisations, the Indian Workers Association, and the West Indian Standing Committee. (1) Pitt’s second attempt to be elected as an MP came in 1970, when he was the Labour Party candidate for Clapham. This time around he decided to stick to “conventional Labour issues” such as poor transport and the health service. Fears of bloodshed were soon quashed as the Conservative candidate opted to avoid the issue of race and the National Front devoted its energy to other seats.  The Times  newspaper was confident that “his record lends support to the idea that he is being accepted in Clapham as a Labour man rather than a black man.” (2) But this time, Pitt had to contend with the rhetoric of the then-Tory MP Enoch Powell, who dominated headlines with his call for a "halt to immigration." His divisive views gained traction in Clapham, with The Guardian newspaper reporting that a worker from Battersea power station claimed 65% of his colleagues "agree with Mr. Powell," adding, "Having fought for England, I think it should be a white man who does this job." Labour’s Tribune shared stories of activists facing chants of "Enoch, Enoch, Enoch" and noted that Labour voters were not turning up. (2) Although Clapham was regarded as a safe Labour seat, Pitt faced a substantial 10.2% swing against him, more than doubling the rates recorded in surrounding areas and the national average. Labour's vote share fell by 11%, and the Conservatives won the seat. Racism was once again a major factor in his electoral failure. Pitt went to the BBC election night studio, where Robin Day asked if he thought his defeat was due to racial prejudice. He responded amicably, suggesting that it was mainly because “people hadn’t had the chance to get to know me.” Later, he wrote, “Race played only a small part in my defeat, and it would be a disservice to the community to think otherwise.”(2) Labour activists were less convinced. In the days after the election, the South London Press uncovered a leaflet sent to “electors with coloured families as neighbors” by an unknown protest group. The leaflet read, “If you want a coloured for a neighbour, vote Labour. If you’re already burdened with one, vote Conservative,” and urged support for the Tories to modernize the “Ministry of Repatriation.” (2) The source of the leaflet and its impact on the campaign remain unclear. Ultimately, Labour decided not to investigate further, with Pitt insisting it was not an official Conservative leaflet. Many suspected it was linked to the National Front, but a spokesperson denied this, saying, “Our name is always proudly printed on our propaganda.” (2) The loss meant that Pitt never stood in another general election. In 1975, Prime Minister Harold Wilson recommended Pitt's appointment to the House of Lords as a life peer. He was officially made Baron Pitt of Hampstead, of Hampstead in Greater London and Hampstead in Grenada, on February 3, 1975, becoming the second peer of African-Caribbean heritage after Sir Learie Constantine . As a member of the House of Lords, he was instrumental in advocating for the Race Relations Act 1976 and was vocal on topics like immigration policy. During a debate on June 24, 1976, he remarked: "...it is a myth, that the fewer the numbers [of black immigrants] the better the quality of race relations. That is a myth, and it is a myth that has inspired the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act, the Immigration White Paper of August 1965 and the Immigration Acts of 1968 and 1971. It is designed to placate the racialists, but it is a fallacy; for to the racialist or the anti-semite the only acceptable number is nought. The proof of what I am saying can be seen in the fact that the National Front admit that their major support lies in areas near to but not in areas of high coloured concentration. The reason for that is that ignorance leads to fear. Thus, when a person fears that his next door neighbour will in future be coloured he wants immigration stopped. However, you will find that the least hostility to coloured people is found among the whites who live next to, shop with, travel with, work with and play with coloured persons."  (4) Lord Pitt died in 1994. In his obituary, his friend Joan Lestor said that Pitt was described as a Black radical for suggesting that more ethnic minorities apply to become police officers; this, ironically, enraged many in the Black community who believed that the police were institutionally racist. Pitt is cited as saying: "Some Black people consider me an Uncle Tom, while some whites consider me a Black Power revolutionary. So, I think I got it about correct." Pitt was never elected as an MP. But he had a successful career as chair of the GLC, president of the British Medical Association, and as Lord Pitt of Hampstead, but his name is now virtually forgotten. Instead, the names of Bernie Grant, Diane Abbott, and Paul Boateng - who achieved the historic electoral feat of becoming the first Black MPs seventeen years later – will live on over time. As we commemorate Windrush Day and reflect on the stories of resilience and achievement within the Windrush generation, let us not forget the individuals like David Pitt, Baron Pitt of Hampstead, whose contributions have significantly impacted the fabric of British society. Their stories deserve to be celebrated and remembered as we strive for a more inclusive and diverse future. Sources: David Pitt | Global ( ed.ac.uk ) (1) Fifty years on: the battle to elect Britain’s first black MP | Anthony Broxton | The Critic Magazine (2) Obituaries: Lord Pitt of Hampstead | The Independent | The Independent (3) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Pitt,_Baron_Pitt_of_Hampstead (4) https://news.google.com/newspapers ?id=OpktAAAAIBAJ&sjid=1JwFAAAAIBAJ&pg=4767,4023938&dq=david-pitt&hl=en (5) Arnold, J, 2014, Echoes of Our Past: a series of reflections on prominent black people (6)