The Campaign Against Racial Discrimination: Britain's Civil Rights Experiment
- Maya Bello-Taylor
- Sep 11
- 6 min read
Updated: Oct 14
This article is based on original research by Alysha Robinson, University of Manchester History Department. We are grateful for permission to reproduce and adapt it. You can read the original in full here.

The beginnings of CARD
The Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) was born out of Martin Luther King Jr.’s visit to Britain in December 1964. While in London, King urged Britain’s Black and South Asian communities to organise and fight racism. His words struck a chord with his audience and after his visit, activists and immigrant groups came together to create what they called an “organisation of organisations” that could unite their voices against racism.
On 10 January 1965, CARD was officially launched by a remarkable group of thinkers and activists including Trinidadian- born novelist Marion Glean, barrister Anthony Lester, historian CLR James, academics Dipak Nandy and Hamza Alavi, British educator and community activist Jocelyn Barrow and doctor and politician David Pitt. Lawyer Richard Small served as CARD's press officer. There mission was simple but urgent: to end racial discrimination in Britain.
While the US civil rights movements such as the the National Association for the Advancement Coloured People (NAACP), the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE have been widely studied in the UK, CARD is often forgotten. Yet, in its brief existence, it shaped Britain's first race relations laws and set the stage for later battles against racism. CARD utilised the legalistic tactics of NAACP and the grassroots activism of SNCC and CORE to tackle institutionalised racism and help create the Britain that we live in today.
Why CARD was needed
By the early 1960s, Black and South Asian migrants faced hostility not only from the public but also from politicians. Both major political parties, Labour and Conservative, avoided addressing racism directly and were accused of pandering to voters who wanted tighter immigration controls. Their policies were driven by a desire to appeal to the white working-class voter base, which felt threatened by the growing presence of Black and Asian immigrants.
The 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act marked a major turning point. It restricted entry to Britain for many non-white Commonwealth citizens by requiring work permits. This law, introduced by the Conservatives and upheld by Labour after their 1964 victory, sent a clear message that immigration from the Caribbean, Africa, and South Asia was no longer welcome.
Tensions came to a head during the 1964 General Election campaign in Smethwick. Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths ran on an openly racist platform, calling for a five-year ban on immigration and separate schools for children from immigrant families. His campaign was supported by posters and leaflets carrying the notorious slogan “If you want a n**** for a neighbour, vote Labour.” Griffiths denied writing the slogan himself but refused to condemn it and went on to win the seat, shocking many and exposing how deeply racism had taken hold in British politics.
For Black and Asian activists, the result confirmed what they already knew: Britain urgently needed a civil rights movement of its own.
CARD’s tactics
Although the Labour government supported immigration controls, anti-discrimination legislation was still on the agenda with Labour's Home Secretary, Sir Frank Soskice, who introduced the Race Relations Bill to Parliament in April 1965. The Bill banned discrimination in public places but ignored jobs and housing, where most prejudice was felt, and it offered little real enforcement. While it was welcomed as a historic acknowledgement of the existence of racial discrimination in Britain, it lacked both scope and strengthen.
This was where CARD stepped in. Inspired by US civil rights organisations such as the NAACP, SNCC, and CORE, the group became 'the leading voice within the inner circles of a newly elected Labour government lobbying on behalf of Black and South Asian Britons'. They adopted the NAACP's tactics, blending legal lobbying with grassroots activism.
Anthony Lester, who would later go on to help found both the Institute of Race Relations and Runnymede Trust, drafted a 'green document' that proposed key amendments. Soskice's original Bill had relied on punitive measures such as fines and prison sentences for offenders. CARD instead argued for conciliation boards and tribunals to handle complaints, believing this approach, borrowed from the US Civil rights Act of 1964, would be more effective in changing behaviour. They also called for the Bill to cover housing, jobs, and credit.
CARD lobbied MPs, applied media pressure, and used personal networks to gain support. Dr David Pitt held private meetings with politicians, while newspapers such as The Guardian, The Sunday Times and The Observer ran supportive editorials. By the Bill's second reading, the government had accepted many of CARD's recommendations. The Race Relations Act of 1965 was passed with amendments establishing a Race Relations Board and regional conciliation committees where victims of discrimination could submit their their complaints.
The passage of the Act was hailed as a victory, though many felt it still did not go far enough.
Testing the law
Although the 1965 Race Relations Act was seen as progress, CARD quickly grew frustrated with its limits. The law banned discrimination in public places but left out housing and employment, where most racism occurred. Marion Glean and Anthony Lester argued that grassroots action was needed to highlight these gaps and push for stronger protections.
Inspired by America’s 1964 Freedom Summer, CARD launched the “Summer Project” in 1966. They recruited 24 young Black, Asian, and white volunteers to run “testing” exercises in Leeds, Manchester, and Southall. In these tests, a white applicant would apply for a job or housing, followed by a more qualified Black or Asian applicant. The results were clear: racism was still rife, with Black and Asian people routinely denied work, homes, and loans.
By March 1967, CARD had submitted over 150 complaints from the project to the Race Relations Board. Around 90 per cent of the cases fell outside the 1965 Act’s scope. The press reported widely on the findings, with The Guardian calling them “the most cogent case for extending the Race Relations Act.” Even The Sunday Telegraph admitted, “It’s No Fun Being a Brown Briton.”
The pressure worked. CARD’s campaign exposed the daily reality of racism in Britain and made it impossible for the government to ignore. In 1968, a new Race Relations Act was passed, this time outlawing discrimination in housing, jobs, and public services.
Why CARD collapsed
Despite its achievements, CARD did not last long. By 1968, internal divisions had caused the organisation to collapse.
Class tensions played a role. CARD’s leadership of lawyers, doctors, and academics often felt disconnected from the working-class communities it aimed to represent. Membership fees and an emphasis on respectability made it harder for many potential supporters to engage.
Race was another source of friction. CARD included white liberals in leadership roles, following the NAACP model. But by the late 1960s, Black Power ideas were spreading in Britain, and many activists wanted organisations led solely by Black and Asian people. CARD’s interracial and middle-class structure made it seem too cautious and too close to the political establishment, particularly Labour Party for some members.
In 1965, David Pitt and Hamza Alavi, who favoured working with the government, left to join the newly formed National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants. By 1968, CARD was formally dissolved. Many of its former members turned to the more radical Black Power movement, which was gaining strength amongst young Black and South Asian communities, while the founding activists continued their work. Dipak Nandy, for example, became the first director of the anti-racist think tank, the Runnymede Trust.
Legacy
Though it lasted only a few years, CARD left an important legacy. It showed how coordinated lobbying and grassroots action could force the government to confront racism. Its campaigns exposed the everyday reality of discrimination in housing, jobs, and public life, and laid the groundwork for stronger anti-racism laws.
Most importantly, CARD was a reminder that Britain’s civil rights struggle was not just an echo of the American movement, but a homegrown fight led by immigrants and their descendants who demanded equality.
This article is adapted from Alysha Robinson’s original blog for the University of Manchester History Department. You can read the full article here. Additional information is sourced from South Asian Britain website.
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