Channel 4 has announced the commission of Big Age , a 1 x 30’ refreshing new comedy pilot written by acclaimed writer Bolu Babalola ( Love in Colour ) and produced by Tiger Aspect ( Man Like Mobeen, Hitmen). The vivacious show will air as part of Channel 4’s Black to Front day on Friday 10 September 2021. Big Age follows a group of four young Black-British friends who are in the ‘big age’ era of their lives. With a backdrop of parental expectation, personal dreams and the crushing reality of maxed out credit cards and with the Nigerian phrase ’at your big age!’ ringing in their ears; it’s a quipped admonition that can be both loving and mocking, both commanding and encouraging - it is about growing up, stretching up, stepping up. Bolu Babalola, the creator of this distinctive and inspiringly funny show, is a British-Nigerian woman with a misleading bachelor's degree in law, a master's degree in American Politics & History from UCL where her thesis was on Beyoncé's "Lemonade"; she was awarded a distinction for it. So essentially, she has a master's degree in Beyoncé. She is the author of the New York Times and Times Best-Selling anthology Love In Colour, and a self-coined "romcomoisseur". Bolu writes stories of dynamic women with distinct voices who love and are loved audaciously. In the pilot, Ronkẹ Adékoluẹjo ( Alex Rider, Been So Long ) plays our protagonist Ṣadé who has just turned 25, or twenty-thrive – she’s unashamedly ambitious, fierce but has moments of spiralling (yet hilarious) insecurity. Ṣadé dreams of being a writer. Dela is Ṣade’s best friend, played by Racheal Ofori ( Sliced, Treadstone ) – she’s an artist who prefers to ‘go where her soul flows’ and is a free-spirited, sexually liberated, social justice warrior who would do anything for her friend. She’s also secretly a very middle-class private school kid who never used to “see colour” (something she is secretly deeply ashamed of). Michael Workeye ( Brothers, Sitting in Limbo ) plays Zeke, Ṣadé’s unrequited love – a slick-talker and player, full of easy charm and charisma. Completing the foursome is Tayo, played by CJ Beckford ( I Am Danielle, Sitting in Limbo ), the dry humoured grounding force of the group who seemingly has his life on track. Bolu Babalola said : “It is quite literally a dream come true to have the opportunity to bring Big Age to life with Channel 4. It's been a great joy to develop these characters and this world over the years, and I am so thrilled that a place that has housed so many of my favourite shows has chosen to help me share it. Ṣadé is a young woman with big dreams and a big heart, and Big Age is a celebration of friendship, ambition with heart, and the connections that propel us forward in newly formulating adulthood. With great thanks to Tiger Aspect and my wonderful producer and creative partner Amy Annette, I cannot wait for the world to meet (and fall in love with) Ṣadé and the gang.” Fiona McDermott, Head of Comedy, Channel 4 said: “ When we first read this script, Ṣadé and Dela just bounced off the page. Funny, contemporary, and surprising characters that have a deliciously moreish, comic energy. We knew we needed to see them come to life. We’re so pleased to be working with Bolu on this, her first scripted project, and beyond thrilled that she and Big Age are part of our Black to Front commitment.” David Simpson, Head of Comedy for Tiger Aspect said: “We’re delighted to be making this pilot for Channel 4. Bolu’s writing is funny, nuanced and wonderfully well observed and she has created a set of characters and a friendship at the heart of this that audiences are going to adore. It is also fantastic to be part of Channel 4's Black to Front event championing Black talent on and off screen. It is so important for broadcasters to make these kinds of meaningful commitments and it has been wonderful to see a cast and crew come together at the heart of this production that are absolutely sensational." Channel 4 will broadcast one complete day of television fronted by Black talent and featuring Black contributors this September. Black to Front will champion Black voices and stories and celebrate the incredible Black talent that make, shape and star in British TV. Black to Front is part of Channel 4’s ongoing commitment as an anti-racist organisation to improve Black representation on and off screen, amplify the conversations around representation and portrayal, and drive long-term change. Black to Front was conceived by commissioning editors Vivienne Molokwu and Shaminder Nahal. It will be led by Deputy Director of Programmes, Kelly Webb-Lamb with Vivienne and Shaminder working across the whole day with Melissa Cousins as Project Coordinator. Head of Creative Diversity Babita Bahal and Director of Commissioning Operations, Emma Hardy are also part of the core team. Big Age will air as part of Black to Front alongside a one-off special of The Big Breakfast fronted by Bafta winning Mo Gilligan and AJ Odudu, a new 4-part reality series Highlife and Countdown, presented by the eminent journalist and broadcaster Sir Trevor McDonald. Additionally, some of Channel 4’s biggest flagship shows will be fronted by Black talent and featuring Black contributors, including Celebrity Gogglebox and Channel 4 News . Hollyoaks will be an hour-long special entirely written, directed and performed by its Black talent. To ensure that Black to Front drives significant and sustainable change within the industry off-screen, Channel 4 is working with The Sir Lenny Henry Centre for Media Diversity to help shape meaningful off-screen commitments to leave a lasting legacy and to ensure we are addressing specific problems in the industry.

Kemi Badenoch , the first Black woman to lead a major political party in the UK, has controversially suggested that the concept of a Black community should be "consigned to history," arguing that it no longer reflects modern realities. So, is the Black community still relevant, or has growing diversity made the concept outdated? Can a collective Black identity persist amidst differing histories, nationalities, religions, and socio-economic experiences? Or do shared systemic challenges continue to unify Black Britons? In this blog post, we’ll explore how the concept of a ‘Black community’ in the UK has evolved and whether it remains relevant today. Has the idea of a tightly unified Black community become outdated, replaced by a more fluid notion of a Black population with looser connections? Let’s dive in and unpack this question. The Foundations of a Black Community in Britain To answer these questions, it’s important to reflect on how the concept of the 'Black community' has evolved over time. It was never just a cultural construct - it was born out of necessity. Black communities have existed in the UK since at least the early 1500s, brought to Britain through various routes: some were brought via enslavement as servants, others worked on ships or served as soldiers in the Napoleonic Wars , the American War of Independence, and later the First World War. Some also came as students who chose to stay. These communities were primarily based in seaport cities like London, Bristol, Cardiff’s Tiger Bay, and Liverpool, making them some of the UK’s oldest Black communities. Though small in number—fewer than 0.1% of the population until the mid-20th century—these groups were highly diverse, including West Africans, Caribbean's, and sailors or ‘Lascars’ from the Asian continent, East and Southern Africa. There were also members of the poor white working class, often women who had married Black men. They supported one another against widespread social prejudice, though they rarely referred to themselves explicitly as a "Black community." The arrival of the Windrush generation in 1948 marked a pivotal moment in the formation of a Black community. As they helped rebuild post-war Britain, they faced widespread hostility, much like earlier Black communities, but on a much larger scale. The discriminatory signs, “No Blacks, No Dogs, No Irish,” became a stark symbol of the blatant discrimination they encountered. In response, Black communities strengthened their bonds of solidarity. West Indian arrivals joined existing communities in cities like Liverpool and Bristol or established new ones in areas such as Brixton in London, and Handsworth in Birmingham. A key moment of activism came with the Bristol Bus Boycott , led by Paul Stephenson—whose family had been British-born for generations—alongside Roy Hackett, Owen Henry, Audley Evans, and Prince Brown from the campaigning group the West Indian Development Council. They built support systems through community centres, churches, and pardner savings groups. For instance, after being made unwelcome at his local church, Dr. Oliver A. Lyseight founded the New Testament Church of God, providing a refuge for Black immigrants who often faced racism in white churches. (1) Similarly, “pardner” saving groups were established to help members buy homes, which they rented out rooms to fellow migrants. These institutions nurtured a sense of belonging. The Black community of the 1950s and 1960s wasn’t just focused on survival—it became a platform for political mobilisation. Activists such as Claudia Jones and David Pitt , alongside groups like the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination, fought for legislative and societal change, laying the foundation for the UK’s civil rights movement in the 1970s and 1980s. This generation of Caribbean and African migrants, together with existing Black Britons, built a collective identity to confront racism and exclusion. While they didn’t always label themselves as a “Black community,” their actions reflected unity and resilience. The Rise of the Black British identity Today, some mistakenly believe the term "Black British" was imposed by the state. In truth, it was coined by the children of Caribbean immigrants. Born and raised in the UK, these young people rejected their parents' slower, more cautious approach to life. They embraced change, recognising that despite its racial challenges, Britain was their home. Black British youth faced systemic barriers in various aspects of life. In education, they were often steered into lower academic tiers and subjected to harsher disciplinary measures. They were also disproportionately targeted by the police under the controversial SUS laws , which allowed stop-and-search based solely on suspicion. Beyond these institutional challenges, they endured violence from far-right groups such as the National Front. In response to these shared struggles, they adopted "Black" as a unifying identity—one that transcended national or ethnic boundaries and reflected their collective experience. “Black” became a political coalition, an umbrella term for people in the UK who were likely to experience discrimination based on their skin colour—essentially, anyone who was not white. For example, the British Black Panthers Party, founded by Nigerian-born Obi Egbuna in 1968, focused on resisting police brutality, adopting the principle of "political blackness" to unite not just African and Caribbean communities, but also members of the South Asian community in their shared struggle against systemic injustice. This era witnessed a vibrant cultural renaissance. Reggae, ska, and dub poetry emerged as powerful forms of resistance, with artists like Linton Kwesi Johnson confronting systemic racism through their evocative work. Meanwhile, genres like   Lovers Rock  and UK Soul achieved global recognition, with Black British acts such as Loose Ends, Five Star, and Soul II Soul gaining prominence in the American R&B scene. The literary world thrived, with authors like Buchi Emecheta and Caryl Phillips delving into themes of migration, identity, and belonging. In cinema, filmmakers like Horace Ové spotlighted Black British experiences through influential works like as Pressure  and A Hole in Babylon , breaking new ground in storytelling. The 1981 New Cross Fire, in which 13 Black youths tragically lost their lives, became a pivotal moment for racial justice, igniting the Black People’s Day of Action, where over 20,000 marched through London demanding accountability and change. This era also witnessed a surge in political activism and cultural expression. Significant milestones included the Race Relations Act of 1976, which tackled indirect discrimination, and Diane Abbott’s historic 1987 election as the first Black woman in Parliament, marking a watershed in political representation. Organisations like the Black Sections of the Labour Party played a crucial role in amplifying Black and Asian voices in politics, further shaping the fight for equality. By the 1990s, the concept of political Blackness began to wane, and the term "Black British" became more closely associated with people of African and Afro-Caribbean descent. (2) The second generation of Black Britons, born and raised in the UK, forged a unique identity that blended their ancestral heritage with British culture. This hybrid identity shaped contemporary understandings of what it means to be Black British, a term initially embraced by African immigrants as well. A Changing Black Population By the 2000s, however, many first generation African migrants began prioritising their national identities over collective terms like "Black British." Migration from countries such as Nigeria, Ghana, Zimbabwe, and Somalia during this period reshaped the demographic composition of Black Britain. (3) Africans became the majority, outnumbering Caribbean Britons two to one. These migrants arrived for diverse reasons: to study, work in the NHS and care sectors, reunite with family, or seek asylum. (3) Some also migrated from European countries like the Netherlands and Denmark after gaining citizenship there, enriching Black Britain with cultural and linguistic diversity. While contributing to the broader Black British identity, many first generation African migrants preferred specific identifiers, such as Nigerian-British or Somali-British, reflecting strong national pride. For refugees, survival and rebuilding their lives often took precedence over adopting collective terms like "Black British," which they found disconnected from their immediate realities. Globalisation and the digital age further reinforced individualism, as digital connectivity and easier travel maintained strong ties to home countries, complicating efforts to forge a unified identity. These differences occasionally led to tensions between African and Caribbean-descended Britons. For second and third generation Caribbean Britons, the collective struggle against systemic racism remains central to their identity. In contrast, many first generation African migrants, who arrived after significant civil rights milestones, may feel less urgency to adopt Blackness as a political identity. Public figures like Kemi Badenoch have attempted to capitalise on these debates, questioning whether terms like "Black community" still capture the complexities of modern Black British experiences. Does the Black Community Still Exist? Despite increasing diversity, shared systemic challenges continue to unify Black Britons. Unemployment rates for Black Britons remain disproportionately high compared to White Britons, and racial disparities persist in healthcare, education, and policing. (4) Black women face disproportionately high maternal mortality rates, and Black men are disproportionately subjected to stop-and-search measures and overrepresented in the prison system. (5) Movements like Black Lives Matter demonstrate the enduring potential for collective action. Though the concept of a "Black community" may be less cohesive than during the Windrush era, solidarity around systemic inequality remains powerful. Generational shifts are also reshaping identity dynamics, with the second generation of African Britons leading a cultural renaissance. Building on the legacies of the 1970s and 1980s, contemporary artists such as Stormzy, Michaela Coel, Dave, and J Hus redefine representation, while genres like UK Grime and Afroswing highlight the creative evolution of a modern Black British identity. Initiatives like UK Black History Month , championed by Ghanaian activist Akyaaba Addai-Sebo, also foster dialogue and collaboration, bridging divides within the Black British population. These efforts highlight how diversity and shared history can coexist within a broader collective identity. So, is there still a Black community in the UK? The answer largely depends on how we define “community.” If we consider it as the tightly unified groups of the Windrush era, then the answer is no. However, the Black British population continues to share systemic barriers and cultural contributions that foster meaningful connections. Rather than questioning whether the Black community still exists, it may be more productive to explore how it adapts and thrives in an ever-changing society. By embracing diversity alongside shared challenges, Black Britons can forge an inclusive identity that honours the past while celebrating modern experiences. Sources: https://www.blackhistoryandheritage.com/history/stories/lseight.html (1) https://qz.com/1219398/political-blackness-a-very-british-concept-with-a-complex-history (2) https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/national-insurance-number-allocations-to-adult-overseas-nationals-entering-the-uk (3) https://www.newstatesman.com/world/uk/2020/07/lifetime-inequality-how-black-britons-face-discrimination-every-age (4) https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm5803/cmselect/cmwomeq/94/report.html (5)

1940s: Legal Precedents and a New Beginning 1940 – Colour bar on military officers begins to be dismantled During the Second World War, sustained campaigning by groups such as the League of Coloured Peoples and the West African Students Union led to the removal of regulations. These regulations previously prevented anyone not of “pure European descent” from becoming an officer in the British armed forces. 1943 – Constantine v Imperial London Hotels Learie Constantine, a West Indian cricketer, wins a landmark legal case after being denied service due to his race. This case was one of the earliest examples of a successful racial discrimination suit in Britain. 1948 – British Nationality Act This act grants citizenship to people from British colonies, paving the way for mass migration from the Caribbean and other parts of the Commonwealth. 1948 – Arrival of Empire Windrush (22 June) Nearly 500 Caribbean passengers arrive at Tilbury Docks. This marks the beginning of modern multicultural Britain. 1950s: Struggle, Solidarity, and Cultural Resistance 1951 – Death of Dr Harold Moody The early UK civil rights movement suffered a significant loss with the death of Dr. Harold Moody. His passing marked the end of one era and paved the way for a new generation of leadership. 1957 – David Pitt addresses Labour Party Conference Trinidadian-born Dr. David Pitt delivers a forceful speech against racial intolerance. This speech stands out as one of the earliest examples of anti-racist politics within a mainstream UK party. 1957 – Rent Act fuels housing inequality The national government removes rent controls. Landlords such as Peter Rachman would exploit newly arrived Caribbean migrants, who were unable to access fair housing due to widespread discrimination. 1958 – Notting Hill and Nottingham Race Riots Racial tensions erupted as white mobs, including ‘Teddy Boys’, launched violent attacks on Caribbean residents in both Nottingham and London’s Notting Hill. In Notting Hill, Black residents fiercely resisted, led notably by ex-Second World War servicemen defending their communities. These riots sparked a wave of Black-led organising, solidarity, and cultural resistance. 1958 – Claudia Jones launches The West Indian Gazette This was the first major Black British newspaper advocating for civil rights, anti-colonialism, and Pan-African solidarity. It served as a platform for the Black community, amplifying their voices and addressing issues of racism and inequality. 1958 – West Indian Standing Conference (WISC) formed Established to unify Caribbean community organisations and address discrimination in housing and employment. It was formed in response to the Notting Hill riots. 1959 – Claudia Jones organises Britain’s first Caribbean Carnival Claudia Jones hosts a carnival at St Pancras Town Hall. This event celebrated Caribbean culture and unity. It served as both a political response to the 1958 race riots and a joyful expression of resistance, laying the foundation for what would later become the Notting Hill Carnival. 1959 – Kelso Cochrane is murdered in Notting Hill The Antiguan carpenter’s fatal stabbing is believed to be racially motivated, triggering national outrage. Tragically, no one has ever been charged, and the case remains unsolved to this day. 1959 – David Pitt runs for Parliament in Hampstead David Pitt becomes one of the first Black parliamentary candidates, though he is unsuccessful. His campaign challenged the political status quo. 1960s: From Protest to Policy 1962 – Commonwealth Immigrants Act This act imposes immigration controls on citizens from former British colonies. Though framed as neutral, it disproportionately targeted Black and Asian migrants. This marked the start of racially coded immigration policy. November 1962 – West Indian Development Council (WIDC) formed Also known as the Commonwealth Coordinated Committee (CCC), it was formed in Bristol to support Caribbean migrants facing systemic discrimination in housing and employment. It played a key role in the Bristol Bus Boycott. 1963 – Bristol Bus Boycott Led by Paul Stephenson, Roy Hackett, Guy Bailey, and others, this campaign successfully challenged a local bus company’s colour bar. This marked a major civil rights victory inspired by the US movement. 1964 – Smethwick General Election campaign The Conservative electoral campaign exploits anti-immigrant sentiment. One slogan, now infamous, lays bare the open racism in British politics at the time. The incident highlights how racial tensions were mirrored and amplified in mainstream UK politics. December 1964 – Martin Luther King Jr. visits London King meets UK civil rights activists and engages with immigrant communities, which led to the formation of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD). 12 February 1965 – Malcolm X visits Smethwick Amid growing racial tensions, Malcolm X visits the area shortly before his assassination, spotlighting British racism on an international stage. 1965 – Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) founded Formed after King’s visit, CARD lobbies for anti-discrimination laws and legal reforms. 1965 – CARD’s Green Document submitted This influential document suggests amendments to the upcoming Race Relations Bill. It proposes a conciliatory commission instead of criminal penalties, a key step toward establishing the Race Relations Board. 1965 – Immigration White Paper released This signals more restrictive immigration policies targeting non-white populations. 1965 – First Race Relations Act passed This act prohibits racial discrimination in public spaces. While groundbreaking, it remains a limited piece of legislation. 1966–1970: Radicalisation, Policing, and Legal Expansion 1966 – Asquith Xavier breaks British Rail colour bar After a public campaign, Xavier becomes the first Black train guard at London Euston. He defeated a racist ban on non-white employees. 1966 – CARD launches Summer Project This project monitored enforcement of the Race Relations Act, revealing continued discrimination in housing and employment. 1967 – First convictions under Race Relations Act A 17-year-old from the National Socialist Party faces conviction for racial discrimination. Colin Jordan, the party’s leader, is jailed for inciting hatred. 1967 – CARD petitions the BBC to axe the Black & White Minstrel Show In May, CARD presents a petition calling for the end of the racist show. They describe it as offensive and distressing. The BBC refuses, showing how media of the time mirrored rather than led social change. 1967 – Stokely Carmichael addresses the Dialectics of Liberation Congress (Roundhouse in London) This famed US Black Power leader inspires young Black British activists to organise around self-determination. 1967 – Universal Coloured People's Association (UCPA) founded The UK’s first Black Power group is established on 5 June 1967. It forms from a meeting of 76 members of the Black British community in Notting Hill, London. 1967 – Mangrove Restaurant opens in Notting Hill Founded by Frank Crichlow, the Mangrove quickly becomes a political and cultural hub. It later becomes central to the Mangrove Nine case. 1968 - Black Education Movement founded The Black Education Movement (BEM) challenged racism in British schools and worked to improve education for Black children. It established supplementary schools, opposed biased pupil banding, criticised ESN schools, formed advocacy groups, and raised public awareness around systemic inequalities in the education system. 1968 – Second Commonwealth Immigrants Act passed This law tightens immigration rules, making Commonwealth citizens without a parent or grandparent born in Britain subject to the same controls as non-Commonwealth migrants. This was widely seen as targeting East African Asians and Caribbean communities and was criticized for its racist intent. 1968 – Second Race Relations Act This act expands anti-discrimination protections to housing, employment, and public services. 1968 – British Black Panthers founded Formed in Notting Hill by Obi Egbuna, later joined by Altheia Jones-LeCointe and Darcus Howe, the group campaigns against police brutality, racism, and economic inequality. December 1968 – Obi Egbuna arrested and convicted He is charged with incitement following an essay on police violence. His case underscores the state’s response to radical Black organising. Leadership of the Panthers passes to Altheia Jones-LeCointe. 1969 – George Padmore Black Supplementary School opens Established by John La Rose and others in response to racism in education, this school later expands into the Black Parents Movement. 1969 – The Race Today political magazine founded This magazine is established by the Race Today Collective, becoming a leading organ for Black and Asian politics in 1970s Britain. November 1969 – Civil Rights activist Olive Morris is assaulted under the SUS laws On 15th November, Olive Morris is physically assaulted by police while defending a Nigerian diplomat wrongly accused of stealing his own car in Brixton. Her treatment highlights the discriminatory use of the Vagrancy Act 1824, which allowed police to arrest anyone merely “suspected” of a crime. This disproportionately targeted Black youth and sparked wider protests and campaigns for its repeal. 1970: The Movement Hits the Courts 1970 – Mangrove Nine trial begins Nine Black activists are tried after protesting repeated police raids on the Mangrove Restaurant. This historic trial acknowledges evidence of racial bias within the police for the first time. The case marks a generational shift, as younger members of the Windrush generation take a central role in the struggle for justice. Legacy: Foundations for the Future The period between 1940 and 1970 laid the groundwork for the modern Black British civil rights movement. Through protest, legal challenges, community organizing, and cultural expression, generations of activists confronted systemic racism. They demanded recognition, justice, and equality. The efforts of individuals and organizations during this era reshaped Britain’s legal, political, and cultural landscape. This made it possible for future generations to continue pushing for racial justice. Their legacy endures in today’s ongoing struggles against discrimination and in the fight for a truly inclusive society. Sources: The case of Constantine v Imperial London Hotels Paul, Kathleen. Whitewashing Britain: Race and Citizenship in the Postwar Era . Cornell University Press, 1997. Phillips, Mike. Windrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multi-Racial Britain . HarperCollins, 1998. Williams, John. Harold Moody: A Biography . Manchester University Press, 1987. Source: Hall, Stuart. Black Britain: A Photographic History . Reportage Press, 2007 Gilroy, Paul. There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation . Routledge, 1991. Rose, Arnold. David Pitt: A Political Biography . Manchester University Press, 2001. Archer, John. Rachman: The Man and the Myth . Lawrence & Wishart, 1977. Panton, Frances. “The Notting Hill Riots.” Race & Class , Vol. 10, No. 3, 1969, pp. 321–336. Borland, Katherine. “Claudia Jones and the Making of the Notting Hill Carnival.” Journal of Caribbean History , 2006. Fryer, Peter. Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain . Pluto Press, 1984. Sherwood, Marika. After Empire: Scott-Britain and Postcolonial Britain . Routledge, 2003. Philpott, Mike. “The 1964 Smethwick Election.” Race & Class , 1993. Simon, John. King in London: Martin Luther King's Visits to Britain . London: Lawrence & Wishart, 2015. Saghal, Siddhartha. “Anti-racist organizing in the UK: The history of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination.” Race & Class , 2013. Saghal, Siddhartha. Race, Resistance and the Law: Policing Black Communities in the UK . 2017. Hall, Stuart. “The Politics of Race and the British Railways.” New Left Review , 1967. Gikandi, Simon, and Ralph J. Crane, editors. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness . Harvard University Press, 1999. Leighton, Tanya. The Mangrove Nine Trial . History Workshop Journal, 1980. Bryan, Beverley. “Olive Morris: Radical Revolutionary.” Feminist Review , 2000. Bryan, Beverley. “Race Today: A Radical Magazine in the 1970s.” New Formations , 2001.

Marion Patrick Jones (also known by her married names Marion Glean and later Marion O'Callaghan) was born in 1934 in the middle-class suburb of Woodbrook in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago. Woodbrook was a diverse, multi-racial area, home to families with education or skilled trades, many of whom aspired to emulate British social norms. Her father, Patrick Jones, was of Chinese and mixed African-European heritage, was a leading Trinidadian trade unionist, as well as a renowned calypsonian and Carnival bandleader. He was known as “Cromwell, the Lord Protector,” and is credited with singing the first political calypso song in 1920. Like many aspirational families in Woodbrook, Marion was sent to a reputable Christian school. She attended St Joseph’s Convent School – an exclusive Roman Catholic girls’ school run by Irish nuns - where she won the Girls’ Open Island Scholarship in 1950. She ranked third among all candidates across the West Indies and became one of the first two women admitted to the Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture in St Augustine (now part of the University of the West Indies). After graduation, she travelled to New York City to pursue further studies, earning a diploma in Library Science. To support her education, she worked in a ceramics factory painting pottery and became involved in labour organising, helping to establish a trade union with Manny Spiro. Upon returning to Trinidad, she qualified as a chartered librarian and served as Senior Librarian at the Carnegie Library in San Fernando. During this time, she also joined the Friends of Quakers movement and did welfare work for the blind. In 1962, she moved to Britain to continue her education, earning a BSc degree from the University of London. She later completed postgraduate studies in Social Anthropology at the London School of Economics, writing her thesis on a subject close to her heart - the Chinese community in Trinidad. While studying for her master’s, she worked as a secretary to the Quaker International Affairs Centre in London. Marion (known as Marion Glean while residing in Britain) was a committed pacifist and Quaker. She played a prominent role in the Black community and contributed to key debates on race and post-colonial politics. In the run-up to the 1964 UK general election, she was involved in producing a series of statements on race, published in Peace News by editor Theodore Roszak. As Kalbir Shukra notes in The Changing Pattern of Black Politics in Britain (1998): “After the election, Glean brought together Alan Lovell and Michael Randle – pacifists and former members of the Committee of 100 - with other friends who had written for Peace News, including Ranjana Ash (an active member of the Movement for Colonial Freedom), Trinidadian historian and writer C. L. R. James, and Barry Reckord (Caribbean playwright and actor).” Initially, they formed a debating group called Multi-Racial Britain, but Martin Luther King’s visit to London in December 1964 inspired them to expand their efforts. They used King’s presence and influence to engage a broader audience. That year, King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his non-violent struggle for civil rights in the United States. Before travelling to Norway to accept the award, he visited the UK to preach at St Paul’s Cathedral and meet civil rights activists. US Civil Rights activist Bayard Rustin, responsible for organising King’s visit to the UK, was put in contact with Glean to help coordinate the tour. Together, they arranged for King to meet local immigrant activists and promote anti-discrimination legislation in Britain. On Monday 7 th  December King met with activists at Hilton Hotel in London for hour and a half. Those present included Dr David Pitt and representatives from: London Region of Standing Conference of West Indian Organisations, West Indian Student Union, the British Caribbean Association, Anti-Apartheid, the National Federation of Pakistan Association, Council of African Organisations, Southall Indian Workers Association, the CND, the Committee of 100 and the Movement for Colonial Freedom. An ad hoc committee was formed at this meeting, serving as a “nucleus for an umbrella organisation to coordinate the anti-discrimination efforts of organisations in the immigrant communities.” This group formally adopted the name Campaign for Racial Discrimination (CARD) at a follow-up meeting on the 10th January 1965. In The Guardian  newspaper, published on 12 th December 1964, Glean described the movement as “not a coloured front vis-à-vis the rest.” Although most CARD members were Black (a political term used at the time to describe people of colour from the Commonwealth), Dr David Pitt served as chair. White liberals also came to play a significant role in CARD’s subsequent campaigns. For four years, it was an effective – though later controversially moderate – influence behind Harold Wilson’s Labour government and its promotion of American-style civil rights and anti-discrimination legislation. By 1965, Marion had divorced and remarried, was now known as Marion O’Callaghan, and was living and working in Paris. She worked as Director of Social Science Programmes for UNESCO, overseeing their anti-apartheid programme from 1965 to 1990. During this time, she began her writing career, publishing two novels in the 1970s under her maiden name, Marion Patrick Jones. Her first novel, Pan Beat (1973), explored steelband culture and the role of women in its development. Her second, J’Ouvert Morning (1976), examined middle-class struggles in a society with a colonial legacy. Lloyd W. Brown commented on her work: "In spite of the soap operatic quality of her narrative materials, Jones's novels succeed as riveting documents of a troubled society in a state of transition. ...despite Jones's melodramatic tendencies, the characters are vividly drawn and the language especially in  J'Ouvert Morning  - is original and invigorating." While Jennifer Rahim said, “The author's invaluable contribution to the region's literature is her sensitive analysis of the Trinidadian urban middle class, as it strives to escape poverty and anonymity.” Writing by Jones appears in such collections as Her True-True Name: An Anthology of Women's Writing from the Caribbean  (eds Pamela Mordecai and Betty Wilson, 1989), Caribbean Women Writers: Essays from the First International Conference (ed. Selwyn R Cudjoe, 1990), and Daughters of Africa: An International Anthology of Words and Writings by Women of African Descent (ed. Margaret Busby, 1992). After retiring from UNESCO in 1990, she returned to live Trinidad with her husband Maurice O'Callaghan. There, she continued to write, contributing a weekly commentary column for the Trinidad and Tobago Newsday newspaper. Marion O’Callaghan died aged 84 at her home in Port of Spain on 2 March 2016. Source: https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/The_Changing_Pattern_of_Black_Politics_i/vccqIjs0GfAC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22marion+glean%22&pg=PA20&printsec=frontcover https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2014/dec/12/martin-luther-king-dr-uk-visit-1948 https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/Special_Relations/l8xT0epJ5OoC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=marion+glean&pg=PA173&printsec=frontcover https://www.stpauls.co.uk/visit-from-martin-luther-king https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2014/dec/02/martin-luther-king-in-london-1964-reflections-on-a-landmark-visit#:~:text=He%20spoke%20of%20the%20iniquity,but%20behaviour%20can%20be%20regulated . https://www.womeninpeace.org/j-names/2017/8/1/marion-patrick-jones https://www.wikiwand.com/en/articles/Marion_Patrick_Jones https://www.encyclopedia.com/education/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/jones-marion-patrick Image credits: By Evergreen1650 - Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=110691619

Domino Day streaming on BBC iplayer Domino Day  is a British fantasy series created and written by the BAFTA nominated screenwriter Lauren Sequeira. The series centres around Domino, a powerful young witch who must feed off the energy of others to stay alive. She is desperate to understand who she is, but doesn’t need to look far for answers, as a coven of witches is already tracking her every move. Boarders Streaming on BBC iplayer Boarders  is a British teen comedy-drama series created by Daniel Lawrence Taylor (who created and starred in the brilliant Timewaters ). The series follows the lives of five talented young Black teens who earn scholarships into the prestigious boarding school of St Gilberts. Supacell streaming on Netflix Rapman created, wrote and co-directed the British superhero television series Supacell  set in modern-day South London. The series follows a group of five regular Black Londoners who are linked by a family history of sickle cell disease. They unexpectedly develop superpower abilities and are pursued by a secret organisation who intends to control them. The ensemble cast, which includes Tosin Cole, Adelayo Adedayo, Ghetts and Digga D, has been renewed for a second season by Netflix . Queenie steaming on Channel 4 On Demand Queenie  is based on the best selling and award winning novel by Candice Carty-Williams . It centres on the life and loves of Queenie Jenkins, a vibrant, troubled 25-year-old British Jamaican woman who is not having a very good year. Grime Kids Streaming on BBC iplayer Based on the 2018 book by grime pioneer DJ Target, Grime Kids  is a joy-filled coming-of-age story about a group of young friends, set against the backdrop of early 2000s London. Frustrated with their lives, Dane, Bishop, Bayo, Junior, and Kai form their own garage crew and seek success amid an exciting, revolutionary new music scene. Mr Loverman Streaming on BBC iplayer This tv adaptation of Bernardine Evaristo’s novel Mr Loverman  is set to premiere during Black History Month on the 14th October. Lennie James (Line of Duty, Fear the Walking Dead) stars as the exuberant protagonist Barrington Jedidiah Walker, a flamboyant, self-educated man who leads a double life. He is married to Carmel, but is in love with his childhood friend, Morris. Barrington’s marriage is falling apart, and he wants to divorce Carmel and live with Morris. Spent Streaming on BBC iplayer Spent  is an uplifting comedy-drama created, written by and starring Michelle de Swarte. Drawing inspiration from the collapse of her own modelling career, De Swarte plays international model Mia, who, after declaring bankruptcy, must return home to London due to her extravagant lifestyle. Focusing on black talent.... Murder is Easy streaming on BBC iplayer Rising star David Jonsson (The Industry and Rye Lane) stars in an adaptation of the 1939 Agatha Christie’s novel Murder is Easy . Luke Fitzwilliam (Jonsson) is a Nigerian attaché on his way to Whitehall when he meets the mysterious Miss Pinkerton (Wilton) on a train. Pinkerton discusses with him that a series of deaths in the village of Wychwood-Under-Ashe are not accidental and there’s a killer on the loose. Later, Miss Pinkerton is killed in a hit-and-run, and Fitzwilliam steels himself to discover the murderer before they strike again. The Lazarus Project streaming on Now TV The multi-talented stage, TV and film actor Paapa Essiedu stars as a time-traveller in the sci-fi series The Lazarus Project . George (Essiedu) is part of a top secret organisation dedicated to preventing mass extinction events and with the ability to make time go backwards. George is forced to decide between having the power to change the past for a friend or remaining loyal to the organisation attempting to preserve the world. This Town streaming on BBC iplayer This Town  is set in Birmingham and the Midlands during the 1980s riots and tells the story of Dante Williams, a young aspiring poet who decides to start a 2-tone ska band and set his words to music. Aisha on Channel 5 My 5 Letitia Wright plays Aisha , a young Nigerian woman caught in limbo for years in Ireland’s immigration system. She develops a friendship with an employee who she meets at one of the accommodation centres. The Silent Twins streaming on Netflix Based on the lives of June (Letitia Wright) and Jennifer Gibbons (Tamara Lawrance), real-life identical twins  who grew up in Wales, part of the only black family in a small town. They became known as “The Silent Twins”  because of their refusal to communicate with anyone but each other. . Best Documentaries Michael X streaming on Now TV The documentary tells the story of Michael X , a divisive figure in history who was once considered the UK's answer to Malcolm X. It covers his rise and fall, and how he spent the end of his life on death row. The Evolution of Black British Music streaming on BET on Channel 5 My 5 and Netflix Five-part documentary series that explores the rise of Black British music over the past 35 years covering the musical genres: Jungle, UK Garage, Grime, UK Funky and Afro-Swing, Road Rap and UK Drill. Judi Love: Black, Single and Invisible streaming on Channel 4 Judi Love  embarks on an eye-opening and emotional journey, exploring how, from health to education and work, the odds are stacked against Black women in  the UK. Fresh Cuts on streaming ITV X ITV has commissioned new talent to produce ‘compelling short-form series’ for UK Black History Month. Making their directorial debut for ITV are Moses Ssebandeke with his profile series Alter Egos , Sammy Ofori-Attah’s Black Magic with Trixy , and Destiny William’s light-hearted Dogs of Grime. Image Credits: BBC, Sky TV, Channel 4, Channel 5, and Netflix.

A short introduction to the musical genre of Lovers Rock... Search IBHM-UK to find our specially curated playlist of 'Lovers Rock' and to hear the soundtrack to Steve McQueen's anthology film 'Lovers Rock'. https://open.spotify.com/playlist/7y2tmPm6yHr8iPaGTzEDih?si=g3OjExdhRfmQPT3upWjCdA

Acclaimed British filmmaker and artist Steven McQueen will re-team with the BBC for a new three-part documentary entitled Uprising . The new series will focus on three major events in 1981 which defined race relations for a generation: the January 1981 New Cross Fire which killed 13 black teenagers; the Black People's Day of Action two months later in March, 20,000 people joined the first organised mass protest by Black British people; and the Brixton riots in April. Events that formed the backdrop to the fourth installment of the Small Axe anthology series, 'Alex Wheatle'. The documentary will reveal how these three events intertwined in 1981 and will be directed by Steve McQueen and James Rogan. McQueen is committed to bringing Black British history to the screen and is also producing two follow-up documentaries that further expand on the series. Black Power: A British Story of Resistance and Subnormal will be directed by two up-and-coming Black British directors - BAFTA winner George Amponsah and Lyttanya Shannon. Small Axe has been nominated for a slew of awards including six BAFTA awards. Steve McQueen, Director and Executive Producer, says: “It is an honour to make these films with testimonials from the survivors, investigators, activists and representatives of the machinery of state. We can only learn if we look at things through the eyes of everyone concerned; the New Cross Fire passed into history as a tragic footnote, but that event and its aftermath can now be seen as momentous events in our nation’s history.” “It has been an honour to work with Steve McQueen to bring these powerful stories to BBC One,” added the BBC1 chief content officer Charlotte Moore, who commissioned the series. “With his visionary genius as a filmmaker he has created an incredibly important and evocative series that charts events that have defined race relations in Britain today, giving a voice to the people at the heart of these stories.” Photo credit: By Ross from hamilton on, Canada - Steve McQueen Q&A, CC BY 2.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=90766715

"Small Axe" is an anthology comprised of five original films set from the late 1960s to the mid 1980s that tell personal stories from London's Caribbean community, whose lives have been shaped by their own force of will despite rampant racism and discrimination. The five original films that make up the Small Axe collection by Academy Award, Bafta and Golden Globe-winning filmmaker, Steve McQueen will air weekly on BBC One. Set from the late 1960s to the mid-1980s, the films each tell a story involving London’s West Indian community, whose lives have been shaped by their own force of will, despite rampant racism and discrimination. Even though this collection of films is set some decades ago, the stories are as vital and timely today as they were for the West Indian community in London at the time. Small Axe is a celebration of Black joy, beauty, love, friendship, family, music and even food; each one, in its own unique way, conveys hard-won successes, bringing hope and optimism for 2020. Steve McQueen explains: “The seed of Small Axe was sown 11 years ago. Initially, I had conceived of it as a TV series, but I realised these stories had to stand alone as original films, yet at the same time be part of a collective. The anthology, anchored in the West Indian experience in London, is a celebration of all that that community has succeeded in achieving against the odds. "Although all five films take place between the late 1960s and mid-80s, they are just as much a comment on the present moment as they were then. They are about the past, yet they are very much concerned with the present. A commentary on where we were, where we are and where we want to go.” Lucy Richer, Senior Drama Commissioner and Executive Producer for the BBC: “It has been an honour to work with Steve to bring Small Axe to screen. With his visionary genius as a filmmaker he has made incredible, life-changing, life-affirming films which tell burning stories from our past and blaze a trail for the future. "These inspiring films of truth and powerful purpose celebrate ordinary lives, and we are delighted to bring them to BBC One and BBC iPlayer this November.” Small Axe has been executive produced by Tracey Scoffield and David Tanner for Turbine Studios and Steve McQueen for Lammas Park. Mike Elliot is producing for EMU Films with Turbine and Anita Overland. The executive producers for the BBC are Lucy Richer, Senior Commissioning Editor for Drama and Rose Garnett, Director of BBC Film. Amazon Studios is co-producing within the US. BBC Studios are the international distributors and are handling global television sales. Small Axe will debts on BBC One and iPlayer, and air on Amazon Prime Video in the US for five consective weeks. Mangrove, the first in the series, will premieres on BBC One and iPlayer on the 20th November. Mangrove Mangrove centers on Frank Crichlow (Shaun Parkes), the owner of Notting Hill's Caribbean restaurant, Mangrove, a lively community base for locals, intellectuals and activists. In a reign of racist terror, the local police raid Mangrove time after time, making Frank and the local community take to the streets in peaceful protest in 1970. When nine men and women, including Frank and leader of the British Black Panther Movement Altheia Jones-LeCointe (Letitia Wright), and activist Darcus Howe (Malachi Kirby), are wrongly arrested and charged with incitement to riot, a highly publicized trial ensues, leading to hard-fought win for those fighting against discrimination. Lovers Rock Lovers Rock tells a fictional story of young love at a Blues party in 1980. The film is an ode to the romantic reggae genre called "Lovers Rock" and to the Black youth who found freedom and love in its sound in London house parties, when they were unwelcome in white nightclubs. Amarah-Jae St. Aubyn makes her screen debut opposite the BAFTAs 2020 Rising Star award recipient Micheal Ward (Top Boy). Red, White and Black Red, White and Blue tells the true story of Leroy Logan (John Boyega), a young forensic scientist with a yearning to do more than his solitary laboratory work. When he sees his father assaulted by two policemen, he finds himself driven to revisiting a childhood ambition to become a police officer; an ambition borne from the naïve hope of wanting to change racist attitudes from within. Leroy must face the consequences of his father's disapproval, and the blatant racism he finds in his new role as a despised yet exemplary constable in the Metropolitan Police Force. Alex Wheatle Alex Wheatle follows the true story of award-winning writer, Alex Wheatle (Sheyi Cole), from a young boy through his early adult years. Having spent his childhood in a mostly white institutional care home with no love or family, he finally finds not only a sense of community for the first time in Brixton, but his identity and ability to grow his passion for music and DJ'ing. When he is thrown in prison during the Brixton Uprising of 1981, he confronts his past and sees a path to healing. Education Education is the coming of age story of 12-year-old Kingsley (Kenyah Sandy), who has a fascination for astronauts and rockets. When Kingsley is pulled to the headmaster's office for being disruptive in class, he discovers he's being sent to a school for those with "special needs." Distracted by working two jobs, his parents (Sharlene Smith, Daniel Francis) are unaware of the unofficial segregation policy at play, preventing many Black children from receiving the education they deserve, until a group of West Indian women take matters into their own hands.

As Britain contends with the fallout from the Bradford riots, Labour’s strategic shift to the right — aimed at regaining disillusioned working-class voters — has sparked fierce debate. The return of Nigel Farage, now buoyed by Reform UK’s rising popularity, has once again thrust immigration to the forefront of national politics. But this isn’t new. Revisiting Smethwick: A Critical Moment in British Politics In this blog post, we explore our Windrush timeline to revisit the 1964 General Election, when a bitter campaign in a small West Midlands town became a defining moment in modern British race relations. The Smethwick election of that year is still remembered as one of the most openly racist political contests in British history. The Context of the 1964 Election Sixty years ago, immigration — then as now — acted as a lightning rod for deeper economic and social anxieties. Smethwick, a modest town on the edge of the Black Country, became the epicentre of a backlash rooted in fear, fuelled by demographic change. Political opportunists cynically exploited this situation. What unfolded in Smethwick uncannily mirrors the political theatre of today: culture wars masquerading as policy debates, race standing in for class, and populism dressed as patriotism. A Snapshot of a Divided Town In 1964, Smethwick was a working-class constituency with a proud industrial past and a growing immigrant population, particularly from the Caribbean and the Indian subcontinent. Similar demographic shifts were also taking place in cities like London, Birmingham, and Manchester. Yet, Smethwick came to symbolise Britain’s racial fault lines. The sitting MP, Labour’s Patrick Gordon Walker — a well-educated former Commonwealth Secretary — had held the seat since 1945. Despite a national swing toward Labour that year, Smethwick bucked the trend. He was defeated — and not narrowly — by Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths. Griffiths was a grammar school-educated populist whose campaign became one of the most infamous in British political history. The Slogan That Shamed a Nation Posters emerged bearing the now-notorious slogan: “If you want a n** r for a neighbour, vote Labour.” Griffiths denied authoring or endorsing this slogan, claiming it was the work of far-right extremists. However, he refused to condemn it — and, in doing so, politically benefitted. The swing to the Conservatives in Smethwick was 7.2%, compared to a national 3.5% swing toward Labour. This wasn’t just about prejudice. It was a calculated strategy. The Conservatives, eager to claw back working-class support, had found a wedge issue: immigration. Much like Farage’s dog-whistle politics today, race became a proxy for economic insecurity and cultural change. Labour — similar to now — appeared either ill-equipped or unwilling to push back effectively. Economic Underpinnings of the Backlash It is essential to recognize that Smethwick’s story was about more than just racism. The 1960s were marked by economic decline, rising unemployment, and a growing sense that the post-war consensus was unraveling. Deindustrialisation loomed. Living standards were under pressure from pay freezes, inflation, and devaluation. Industrial unrest surged. In Place of Strife , Labour’s failed attempt to curb union power became a byword for political ineptitude. Lightning strikes paralysed key industries, resulting in more working days lost than at any time since the General Strike of 1926. This backdrop fuelled a nationwide mood of anxiety and discontent. Immigration as a Scapegoat Within this climate of insecurity, immigration became a scapegoat. Housing was scarce, and jobs were no longer guaranteed. For many in places like Smethwick, the fear wasn’t of “foreigners” per se; it was the belief that hard-won rights and resources were slipping away. Framing this solely as a matter of race risks overlooking deeper unease about fairness, class, and national decline. Contemporary surveys support this view. The Rose Report (late 1960s) found that 73% of the British public were either tolerant or leaning towards tolerance of immigrants. Additionally, an analysis of Enoch Powell’s infamous postbag by researcher Geoffrey Spearman revealed that most letters expressed economic anxiety or cultural confusion — not explicit racism. Immigrants were not the cause of Britain’s post-war challenges. They became the most visible symbol of change and the most convenient to blame. Then, as now, the immigration debate often conceals a deeper fear: that the social fabric is unraveling and no one is listening. From Powell to Farage: The Racialisation of Class Discontent Griffiths’ victory foreshadowed Enoch Powell’s “Rivers of Blood” speech just four years later, a moment that propelled racialised political rhetoric to the national stage. Today, Nigel Farage picks up that torch, albeit in the language of “control,” “integration,” and “pressure on services.” It is no coincidence that Labour now tailors its messages to appeal to Reform UK voters, invoking “common sense” and “pragmatic” border policies. This isn't merely a repetition of Smethwick — but it certainly rhymes. Although the slogans may have disappeared and the language may be more polite, the dynamic remains familiar: race and migration weaponised in a struggle for the soul of the working class. Why Revisiting Smethwick Matters Smethwick serves as a cautionary tale. When mainstream parties fail to challenge racism directly — or worse, co-opt its logic for electoral strategy — the consequences endure. What happened in 1964 shaped how race and immigration would be politicised in the UK for decades. Today’s Labour Party is still wrestling with its ideological identity and could do well to heed this history. The media also plays a role, often simplifying complex debates into binary positions — pro-immigration versus anti — while ignoring the structural failures that feed resentment. Revisiting Smethwick isn’t about nostalgia or blame. It is about making choices. It reminds us that immigration will always be debated — but how it is debated, and whose voices are included, will shape the country’s future. Smethwick is significant not just because of what was said or who won. It marked a turning point — the moment British politics first openly exploited racial anxiety for political gain. This showed just how effective that strategy could be when combined with economic hardship and social unrest. However, Smethwick also cautions against oversimplification. Yes, racism was present. But so were issues of housing, wages, community, and identity — the complicated, lived experiences of people struggling to adapt to change. The Need for Nuance in Political Discourse We must remember this lesson today. Condemning voters, or reducing national conversations to “tolerant” versus “racist,” risks missing the nuance altogether. Unless we confront the real causes of disaffection — and resist the temptation to respond to complex questions with slogans and scapegoats — we risk becoming trapped in a cycle of political déjà vu. Revisiting the past requires us to learn from it. Only then can we hope to respond more effectively to the challenges our society faces, including those related to immigration and communal harmony.

Every year on the 22nd June the UK commemorates the contributions of Caribbean people to the post-war economy on Windrush Day . This year, we're not only marking the day itself but celebrating the entire month as Windrush Month. On 1st June, we launched our theme for the month: Legacies of Change - From Windrush to Justice , marking the 50th anniversary of the 1965 Race Relations Act. The Windrush Generation made a profound impact on British society. They contributed significantly to rebuilding the country after the World War II and played a key role in shaping today's multicultural Britain. Their efforts were instrumental in advancing race relations and helping to establish anti-discrimination laws that promoted racial equality in the UK. Their cultural influence is also deeply felt - in music, politics, cuisine and sport. Today, their descendants continue to enrich British culture, underscoring the importance of celebrating the Windrush Generation and their lasting legacy. Throughout the month, we'll be highlighting key individuals and events that shaped the movement toward racial equality in Britain - from civil rights activists like Claudia Jones and Paul Stephenson to pivotal moments such as the Bristol Bus Boycott , which was central to the passing of Britain's first racial law, the 1965 Race Relations Act, which made 'racial discrimination unlawful in public places.' How will it be commemorated in 2025? Windrush Month is a great opportunity for people from all backgrounds to learn about the evolution of modern multicultural Britain and the pivotal role the Windrush Generation played in its making. The Voice  newspaper will be covering Windrush Day and the wider Windrush commemorations throughout June, as part of its ongoing coverage of the Windrush Generation and their legacy. Please check your local authority’s website for news on any exhibitions or events they’re holding in commemoration of Windrush Month or UK Black History. You can also visit the websites of your local museum or cultural institutions for details of special events. Who is the IBHM Heritage International? IBHM Heritage International was founded in June 2020 by a group of Black Britons passionate about investigating and curating the hidden and forgotten stories of Britain’s Black past. In a time when Britain has become more divided, we are committed to building a more united and cohesive society by championing the contributions of Black Britons to UK history, culture, and the economy. This commitment is reflected in our efforts to document and celebrate Black British achievements, both within the Black community and across the wider UK population. We’re dedicated to raising the profile of Windrush Day and Month, as well as UK Black History Month. We also champion Black British history throughout the year, ensuring that a Black perspective is included in events such as Pride Month and Remembrance Day. Our CEO, Angela, explains: “We set up this organisation to ensure that high-quality information and free resources are available to everyone who wants to learn about UK Black History, in an authentic voice that belongs to us.” We are a local community group that provides free resources on UK Black History and hosts Black UK history events throughout the year. While we receive some funding from the government and funding bodies, we are largely dependent on the support of our community to continue our work.

Reverend Clive Foster MBE has been appointed as the UK’s first Windrush Commissioner, a major step in the government’s commitment to right the wrongs of the Windrush scandal and ensure victims' voices are heard at every stage of reform. The announcement comes ahead of Windrush Day on 22 June, marking 77 years since the arrival of HMT Empire Windrush and celebrating the Windrush generation’s extraordinary contribution to Britain. A New Independent Role for Change The Windrush Commissioner is a new, independent role created to oversee the government’s response to the scandal. Reverend Foster will serve a three-year term, working three days a week. His job will be to hold the government to account, particularly around the Windrush Compensation Scheme, and to make sure the cultural and systemic changes promised are delivered across Whitehall. “I’m honoured to take on the role,” said Reverend Foster. “Justice must be delivered — not just in words but through real, visible change. The Windrush generations gave so much to this country and deserve better than the treatment they received.” A Personal Connection to the Windrush Story Reverend Foster is a senior pastor at Pilgrim Church in Nottingham, a long-time community leader and campaigner, and the founder of the Nottingham Windrush Support Forum. His parents migrated from Jamaica in 1959, giving him direct ties to the Windrush generation. He also serves as Vice Chair of the Windrush National Organisation. “The injustices faced by the Windrush generations must never be repeated,” he said. “That means action, accountability, and reform. I will carry out this role independently and ensure scrutiny leads to real improvement.” Government Response Under Pressure The Windrush scandal came to light in 2018, revealing that hundreds of long-settled Commonwealth citizens had been wrongly detained, deported, or denied access to work, housing, and healthcare. Despite being invited to Britain legally between 1948 and 1971, many were unable to prove their status due to a lack of official documentation. The consequences were devastating: people lost their homes, jobs, healthcare access, and in some cases, their liberty.   The government’s response — especially the Windrush Compensation Scheme — has been criticised as slow, bureaucratic, and inadequate. Campaigners have long called for an independent process, noting that at least 64 claimants have died before receiving any compensation. Rebuilding Trust, Delivering Justice The new Labour government pledged to speed up justice for victims of the Windrush Scandal and ensure the mistakes of the past are never repeated as part of the election manifesto. Alongside Reverend Foster’s appointment, it has re-established the Windrush Unit and committed £1.5 million in new funding to help people navigate the compensation process. Home Secretary Yvette Cooper said: “The Windrush generations are part of the fabric of our nation. This government is absolutely determined to right the wrongs they suffered. “I’m delighted to welcome Reverend Clive Foster as our Windrush Commissioner. His lived experience, deep community roots, and dedication to justice make him the right person to lead this work.” A Role to Honour and Celebrate While focused on securing justice, Reverend Foster also sees the role as a chance to honour the Windrush legacy. “The Windrush generations should not be defined by a scandal,” he said. “They should be recognised for their strength, resilience, and incredible contribution to the UK. Now is the time to celebrate and uplift that story.”. Photo Credit: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/reverend-clive-foster-appointed-as-first-windrush-commissioner

Every year on the 22nd June the UK commemorates the contributions of Caribbean people to the post-war economy on Windrush Day . We’ll not only recognise the day but celebrate the whole of the month as Windrush Month , and this year we’ll be exploring the lives and impact of the Windrush generation through our theme ‘Celebrating the Caribbean pioneers of 1940s and 1950s Britain.' ​ The HMT Empire Windrush is widely recognised today for bringing one of the first large groups of post-war West Indian immigrants to the United Kingdom. However, the Empire Windrush wasn't the only ship. In fact, there are two ships documented to have sailed from the Caribbean to the UK  before the Windrush’s arrival in June 1948. We'll be taking a closer look at this story and also examining the lives of some of the early Caribbean pioneers of the 1940s and 1950s such as: Sam King ,  Althea McNish and David Pitt, Baron Pitt of Hampstead . ​