Angela M explains Black History Month UK and how to celebrate this October. October marks the start of Black History Month UK – a time to celebrate and remember African and Caribbean heritage peoples' achievements and contributions to the British economy, culture, and history. It's a chance to tell the stories of those lesser well-known Black Britons who we will forget if we don't showcase them. What is Black History Month UK? Black History Month UK began in October 1987 by Akyaaba Sebo, a special projects coordinator of the Ethnic Minorities Unit at the now defunct Great London Council. He wanted to boost the self-esteem of Black British children and young adults by educating them on the long history and achievements of Black people living in the UK. Taking inspiration from Black History Month (also known as African American History Month) in the United States. The first event was held on 1 October 1987 at County Hall and was attended by American historian Dr. Maulana Karenga, who founded the African American holiday of Kwanzaa; and Kenyan women’s activist Wanjiru Kihoro. It has since evolved into a national movement recognised by the British government and observed throughout the UK. It is also recognised in other parts of the world during October in Ireland and the Netherlands. In the US, where Black History Month originated, the awareness month is held in February. It is also celebrated in Canada in February too when it was officially recognised in 1995. Since the 1990s, the significance of Black History Month has gradually increased throughout continental Europe and it is now observed in Germany and Belgium in February.  What are the origins of Black History Month? In 1926, African-American historian Carter G Woodson  started national Negro History Week   to advocate for the inclusion of American Black History in the US national public education system. Over time, and with the momentum and support of the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, the week gradually morphed into the month it is today. In 1976, US Black History Month (or African American Month as it’s now regularly referred to) was officially recognised by President Gerald Ford. Why is it celebrated at different times across the globe? After visiting America in the 1970s, Addai-Sebo created a British version of Black History Month in 1987, but they are not officially linked. In the United States, Black History Month takes place in February to coincide with the births of Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln.  Addai-Sebo chose to celebrate Black History Month UK in October because of the month's importance in the African calendar. More importantly, it was the start of the British academic year. Why should we separate Black History Month celebrations in the US and UK? When Black History Month UK started in the UK, there was a big emphasis on African American history. Over time the focus has moved to celebrating and recognising Black British history  and key Black figures in the UK. It’s important also that we focus only on British Black history as the Black British community is a composite of peoples with different cultures and identities. Some individuals with a lineage beginning long before the Windrush generation and others with distinct and very different cultures rooted in the African and Caribbean continents. Why do we celebrate Black History Month UK 2025?  This year marks the 60th anniversary of the Race Relations Act in Britain, a landmark law created to outlaw racial discrimination. Yet six decades later, the UK is once again grappling with social tensions that echo the 1950s and 1960s when the Act was first introduced. Today’s Britain is more diverse, with stronger legal protections and greater representation, but divisive rhetoric around immigration and warnings of unrest feel like unsettling reminders of the past.   In July 2025, The Guardian  reported on research by the thinktank British Future and the Belong Network which warned that, a year on from last summer’s riots, Britain could face renewed unrest unless urgent action is taken to tackle polarisation and division. These concerns have been fuelled further by political rhetoric. Keir Starmer’s claim that “uncontrolled” migration caused “incalculable” harm drew sharp criticism from civil rights groups including the Black Equity Organisation and the Muslim Council of Britain, who warned that such language erodes trust and fuels racism.   All of this shows why Black History Month 2025 carries such weight. It is not only a time to honour the contributions and achievements of Black Britons past and present but also an opportunity to confront the inequalities and prejudices that persist today.   Black History Month UK reminds us that our history is shared, and it must be told in full. It is a chance to celebrate resilience and excellence while recommitting ourselves to the ongoing fight for racial justice, equality and inclusion. Do we really need Black History Month UK?  Some campaigners argue against the existence and usefulness of the month as they believe it marginalizes UK Black history and that it should, rightly, be remembered all year round. Organisations such as The Black Curriculum  are working hard to address the lack of Black British history in the UK curriculum through campaigning, training teachers, and delivering Black history programmes. While the Black Cultural Archives (BCA) , an archive and heritage centre in Brixton, London, is dedicated to preserving and promoting the histories of African and Caribbean descendants in Britain. But Black History Month UK, like many other national and international events, provides us with an opportunity to remember individuals and events that would never be included in a racially inclusive national curriculum and would remain forgotten to the annals of time. What are the aims of Black History Month in the UK? Celebrate and recognise the achievements of African and Caribbean heritage people's role in helping to shape UK culture, history, and economic development. Educating the UK population on how the relationships between Britain, Africa, the Caribbean, and the United States helped create modern Britain. To encourage government, institutions, and corporations to embrace and adopt equality and diversity policies. What is the theme of Black History Month UK 2025?  Our  theme for Black History Month UK 2025 is ‘Legacies with Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge’ .   2025 marks 60 years since the UK’s first Race Relations Act, a landmark moment in the ongoing journey towards racial justice and equality.   Throughout the month, we will explore key moments in UK history that led to the passing of this historic bill.   We will highlight leading civil rights groups, including the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD), the Black British Panthers, and the Black Parents Movement, who challenged injustice, fought for equality, and helped shape the legislation that followed.   We will also celebrate notable Black Britons such as Jocelyn Barrow, Mollie Hunt, Liz Obi, and Bernard Coard.   We encourage the UK Black community to commemorate the month by sharing their own family histories using the hashtag #bhmfamilies How can I celebrate Black History Month UK 2025? Black History Month is an excellent opportunity for people from all backgrounds to educate themselves on Black Britain’s history and the often-overlooked people who have made a difference to the country. There are a variety of ways you can observe the month: Attend any of the hundreds of events taking place up and down the country to commemorate Black History Month. Show your support online by sharing our Black History Month UK post on your social media channel during the month. Take on the #BHMFamilies  selfie challenge  Why not watch our '10 ways to celebrate Black History Month UK’' video for more ideas? How should educational organisations and business corporations recognise the month? The theme of Black History Month UK 2025 is ‘Legacies with Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge,’  and we advise any schools and colleges interested in exploring the topic in greater detail to visit The Black Curriculum website or attend Black Cultural Archive (BCA) , which have an extensive range of educational resources relating to the theme. We encourage business corporations to provide a safe space for all individuals who wish to commemorate the month in which stories can be shared – personal experiences and/or inspiring stories. But to also remember that not everybody may want to be involved in your Black History Month planning simply because of their ethnic background. Such assumptions place the burden of responsibility on them, and if they’re a visible minority in your workplace, they might feel tokenized about their role in your workplace. Remember, for best results, you should be recognizing all your employees, all year round!  Companies are also advised to run a diversity and inclusion audit of their business – and perhaps book a Black keynote speaker to provide advice on making their workplaces more racially inclusive.  Who is the International Black History Month UK (IBHM-UK) organisation? The International Black History Month UK (IBHM-UK) was created in June 2020 by a group of Black Britons with a passion for investigating and curating the hidden and forgotten stories of Britain’s black past. We’re committed to raising the profile of the month amongst the African, Caribbean and Black British community in the UK. As one of our young volunteer interns explains: “Neither my primary or secondary schools celebrated Black History Month UK and I had to learn about UK Black History myself. So, I think it’s important that an organisation like this exists to fill the gaps in knowledge that many people in the UK’s African and Caribbean community may have about Britain’s black past. Our community is not a monolith, and we all have different lived experiences. BHMUK allows us all to reflect and celebrate on all the different aspects of British Black history from finding out about awe inspiring individuals like Dr Harold Moody and John Blanke to the legislative changes in UK law championed by the Windrush generation." For too long, Black History Month UK has lacked direction and focus. We decided to step into that space to ensure that this important month has a clear message and theme. Our CEO, Angela says: “I have a young son who was tasked with choosing a notable Black Briton for a school assignment and I was shocked to learn that the only resources available was a listings website with poorly researched articles and filled to the brim with job adverts. We set up this organisation to ensure that quality information and free resources are available to everyone who wants to learn about UK Black History. And more importantly, that the stories of Black Britons are told in an authentic voice that belongs to us and not someone masquerading as one of us!“ We are a local community group that provides free resources on UK Black History and hope to run themed Black UK history events in 2025 and beyond.

There are lots of creative ways your school can recognise Black History Month UK beyond school assemblies and we've come up with a few ideas. Black History Month UK is an opportunity to ensure that all young people, no matter their background, learn about the contributions of Black Britons to UK History. As David Olusoga said:“this is our national story, this is British history, it belongs to all of us.” 1. Here's how your school can participate in this year's Black History Month UK Take part in our Legacies of Change: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge campaign by getting your classes to research and create a visual installation using the four individuals from this year's campaign: Jocelyn Barrow, Liz Obi, Bernard Coard , and Mollie Hunt or examining three pivotal moments in the UK Black History Timeline: Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) , British Black Panthers and the Black Parents Movement. For young children, you may want to look at Black Britons from different time periods and we suggest you check out our Black to the Past and Before Windrush campaigns for inspiration. We’re encouraging all schools and colleges to send us a picture or video of your installations by tagging us on any of our social media sites. 2. Try our #BHMFamilies selfie challenge Get your pupils to bring in a picture or item that reflects a family tradition and use this as a talking point to discuss the contributions of Black Britons to UK history and culture. You could explore cultural events such as the Notting Hill Carnival and why it started; explore how the British diet has changed over the years with the introduction of new foods like Jollof Rice and Jerk Chicken; and the British music scene by exploring new musical genres such as Lovers Rock, Jungle, and Grime. 3. Take part in our #BHMLandmarks challenge You could organise a class trip to explore your locality to take a picture of statues and plaques that recognise the achievements of African and Caribbean heritage people in the UK. You can find information on the whereabouts of statues and plaques on the websites of Nubian Jak and the English Heritage or the Black London: History, Arts & Culture book . Post your pictures with the hashtag #bhmlandmarks and tag us on any of our social media accounts. 4. Virtually visit the Black Cultural Archives (BCA) and explore key events in British History The Black Cultural Archives has lots of resources covering different time periods in British history including Black Abolitionists in Georgian London, Victorian Britons of African heritage whose work significantly impacted the arts, science and technology, and the Windrush generations who campaigned for legislative change that transformed the lives of all British migrants. 5. Turn your classroom into a living museum to celebrate the lives of past and living Black Britons Have your students choose a notable Black British pioneer they'd like to know more about, such as Georgian writer Ignatius Sancho , Victorian circus owner Pablo Fanque , Henry VIII's trumpeter John Blanke , or Dr Harold Moody who campaigned against racism in Edwardian Britain and provided free medical care to the poorer members of his local community before the establishment of NHS. Then using their research, have them create a living museum in your classroom. They can create posters and do presentations to show what they've learned through their research. Our website is a great way to start your research or you can review resources from the Black Curriculm , Young Historians Project , BCA , Museum of London , BBC bitesize , The National Archives, and Yorkshire Museum . 6. Remember that UK Black History isn't confined to a month At its core, Black History Month UK is about celebrating and recognising the contributions of Britons left out of mainstream UK history. We advise that you avoid emotive subjects like the Atlantic Slave Trade (perhaps tackle the topic during August when International Slavery Remembrance Day is marked) and focus on British rather than African American History during the month. We hope that you choose to participate in any of the activities we've suggested for your school to carry out during Black History Month UK. But do remember this month is also an opportunity for educators to start diversifying the curriculum for the rest of the academic year. Teachers can make sure that all disabilities, ethnicities and social classes are represented in reading materials and artwork in all subjects all year round. Happy Black History Month UK!

This article is based on original research by Alysha Robinson, University of Manchester History Department. We are grateful for permission to reproduce and adapt it. You can read the original in full here . The beginnings of CARD The Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) was launched in January 1965, inspired by Martin Luther King Jr’s visit to Britain a few weeks earlier. During his stay, King urged Black and Asian communities to organise against racism. His words struck a chord, and activists soon came together to form an “organisation of organisations.” Its founders included Trinidadian novelist Marion Glean , lawyer Anthony Lester , historian CLR James , academic Dipak Nandy and doctor David Pitt . Their mission was simple but urgent: to eliminate racial discrimination in Britain. While the US civil rights movement is widely studied, CARD is often forgotten. Yet, in its brief existence, it shaped Britain’s first race relations laws and set the stage for later battles against racism. Why CARD was needed By the early 1960s, Black and Asian migrants faced hostility not only from the public but also from politicians. The 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act restricted entry and targeted non-white migrants. Many felt race relations were deteriorating fast. The 1964 Smethwick by-election made things worse. Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths ran openly on an anti-immigrant platform, backed by the notorious slogan, “If you want a n***** for a neighbour, vote Labour.” When Griffiths won, it exposed how deeply racism was rooted in British politics. Against this backdrop, activists believed a civil rights organisation was urgently needed. CARD’s tactics When Labour introduced the Race Relations Bill in 1965, CARD stepped in. The bill banned discrimination in public places but ignored jobs and housing, where most discrimination took place. CARD lobbied hard to strengthen the legislation. Anthony Lester drafted a “green document” that proposed key amendments, including conciliation boards rather than criminal prosecutions and broader protections. CARD sent its proposals to MPs, ministers and the press. David Pitt met politicians face to face to win support. Newspapers like The Guardian  and The Sunday Times  backed their case. The pressure worked. By the second reading, the government agreed to many of CARD’s recommendations. The Race Relations Act became law in November 1965, hailed as a breakthrough for equality. Testing the law CARD was not satisfied. Housing and employment were still excluded. To prove the Act’s limits, they launched the 1966 “Summer Project.” Volunteers tested discrimination by applying for jobs and housing in pairs: a white applicant first, followed by a more qualified Black or Asian applicant. The results were clear—racism was still rampant. CARD gathered over 150 complaints, most outside the Act’s scope. Their evidence fuelled media pressure, and by 1968, a new Race Relations Act extended the law to housing, jobs and public services. Why CARD collapsed Despite its impact, CARD fell apart by 1968. Its leadership structure, which included white liberals, alienated many Black Britons who were turning towards Black Power and self-determination. Its middle-class leadership also felt distant from working-class migrants, who made up much of the Black population. A membership fee made things worse, excluding those who could not afford it. CARD’s close links with the Labour Party bred further distrust. Many in the community felt Labour had betrayed them by tightening immigration controls. Dr David Pitt, seen as too close to the establishment, was criticised as out of touch. Without strong grassroots support, CARD collapsed. Legacy CARD may have lasted only a few years, but its legacy is important. It proved that organised activism could change laws. It showed that lobbying and legal action, combined with grassroots pressure, could push Britain towards racial equality. Though it failed to unite all communities, CARD was a vital experiment in civil rights organising. It paved the way for later campaigns and remains a key part of Britain’s Black history. This article is adapted from Alysha Robinson’s original blog for the University of Manchester History Department. You can read the full article here .

Bernard Coard is a Grenadian-born educator whose pioneering work in the UK exposed systemic racism in the British education system. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, as a teacher and youth worker in London, Coard highlighted the disproportionate placement of Black Caribbean children into “Educationally Sub-Normal” (ESN) schools and provided the evidence that communities and parents needed to challenge this injustice. His research became a cornerstone for the Black Parents Movement and influenced significant reforms in anti-racist and multicultural education policies. Bernard Coard was born on 10 August 1944 in Victoria, Grenada. He attended Grenada Boys’ Secondary School, where he developed an early interest in politics, social justice, and community activism. He went on to study sociology and economics at Brandeis University in the United States before moving to the UK in 1967 to study political economy at the University of Sussex. While living in London, he married Phyllis Coard and began working as a teacher and youth organiser, laying the foundation for his advocacy against racial discrimination in schools. Between 1967 and 1971, Coard worked in schools and youth clubs across South London. His firsthand experience revealed widespread institutional racism. IQ testing and teacher referrals were being used to place disproportionate numbers of Black Caribbean children into ESN schools, originally designed for pupils with severe learning difficulties. This practice limited the children’s educational opportunities and affected their long-term social mobility. In 1971, Coard published his influential pamphlet, How the West Indian Child Is Made Educationally Sub-normal in the British School System . The work revealed that schools, local education authorities, and psychologists often mislabelled West Indian children due to racial bias rather than ability. Coard wrote: “The children are therefore made neurotic about their race and culture. Some become behaviour problems as a result. They become resentful and bitter at being told their language is second-rate, and their history and culture is non-existent.” The pamphlet made this evidence accessible to parents and community organisations, sparking mass mobilisation and enabling the Black Parents Movement to campaign against discriminatory practices and demand systemic change. Coard’s research provided the Black Parents Movement and other grassroots organisations with the evidence needed to challenge racism in schools. Groups such as the Caribbean Parents Group and supplementary school initiatives drew on his analysis to develop curricula, organise advocacy campaigns, and support parents in navigating the education system. His work also influenced national policy. The 1985 Swann Report confirmed the structural barriers faced by Black students, challenged racist myths about intelligence, and informed anti-racist and multicultural educational policies in the UK. Coard’s findings continue to underpin efforts to address inequalities and promote inclusive education. Bernard Coard’s work remains central to understanding and combating racism in education. By exposing the mechanisms that disadvantaged Black Caribbean children, he enabled parents, educators, and community organisations to take action and advocate for equality. His research continues to inspire educators, activists, and policymakers committed to ensuring that all children have access to a fair and inclusive education. Further reading: Coard, Bernard. How the West Indian Child Is Made Educationally Sub-normal in the British School System , 1971 BBC One. Subnormal: A British Scandal , 2021

Educational Psychologist, Community Activist, and Founder of the Caribbean Parents Group Mollie Hunte at a social gathering (1980s) - © London Metropolitan Archives, City of London, from the Mollie Hunte collection Mollie Hunte was one of the most influential voices in the Black Education Movement in Britain. As an educational psychologist, campaigner, and community leader, she worked tirelessly to challenge racism in schools and to give Black children and their families the tools to succeed. From the 1960s through to the 1990s, Mollie helped to shape a generation of parents and teachers who demanded fair treatment for Black pupils. Through her leadership in groups such as the Caribbean Parents Group, she ensured that Black families were no longer silent in the face of educational inequality. Mollie was born in British Guiana (now Guyana) in 1932. She began her career as a teacher in Georgetown before moving to London in 1961. Determined to continue her studies, she worked in schools while studying part time for over a decade, eventually earning degrees in psychology, sociology, and child development. By 1980, she had completed her MSc in Child Development and Educational Psychology at the University of East London. Alongside her studies, she was already deeply involved in community education work. In the 1970s and 80s, Black children in Britain were often unfairly labelled as “educationally sub-normal” and sent to special schools that limited their opportunities. Mollie challenged this discriminatory practice directly. As an educational psychologist in Brent and Ealing, she ensured that assessments of Black children were carried out fairly and campaigned against biased IQ testing. She also worked closely with parents, explaining how systemic racism operated in the school system and how they could advocate for their children. In 1975 Mollie co-founded the Caribbean Parents Group (CPG) in Ealing. The group emerged in response to the local council’s policy of bussing Black and Asian children out of their neighbourhood schools, a practice designed to limit the number of “immigrant” children in any one classroom. The CPG became a powerful voice for parents, organising regular meetings, conferences, and reports. Its Supplementary School provided Black children with lessons in culture and heritage that mainstream schools ignored, while also boosting academic achievement. Later, the group launched the Caribbean Parents Credit Union to give families greater financial independence and stability. Mollie did not stop with the CPG. She co-founded the Westphi Academy in 1990, which offered training for teachers, governors, and childcare professionals, with a strong focus on working effectively with Black children and parents. In 1989 she established PEV Consultancy, providing assessments, tutoring, training, and psychological support for children and adults who were often overlooked by mainstream services. She was also a member of the Afro-Caribbean Education Resource (ACER), founded by historian Len Garrison, which created teaching materials that reflected the lives and histories of African, Caribbean, and Asian students. Mollie Hunte’s legacy lies in the many children she helped to keep out of discriminatory school placements, the parents she empowered to speak up, and the organisations she built that continue to inspire community activism today. She proved that education could be a site of resistance as well as opportunity. Mollie’s work connected families, schools, and communities in the shared fight for justice and equality. Her archives, held at the London Metropolitan Archives, remain a vital resource for understanding the struggles and achievements of the Black Education Movement in Britain. For more information on Mollie Hunte’s life and the Mollie Hunte Collection, visit the London Metropolitan Archives. Source: https://www.bps.org.uk/history-psychology-centre/exhibition-mollie-hunte https://womenshistorynetwork.org/mollie-hunte-1932-2015-educator-psychologist-and-champion-of-caribbean-people-by-rebecca-adams/

On Friday 15 August, a historic billboard was unveiled on Ladbroke Grove to honour Kelso Cochrane, an Antiguan-born carpenter whose racially motivated murder in 1959 became a turning point in Black British history and helped pave the way for the creation of Notting Hill Carnival. The initiative was led by Black history educator Kayne Kawasaki in partnership with BlackHistoryandme . Earlier this year, Kawasaki launched a GoFundMe campaign to raise funds for what he calls the “Notting Hill Carnival Billboard Takeover” , designed to highlight Carnival’s founding figures and ensure its roots are never forgotten. Cochrane, who was just 32 at the time of his death, was attacked by white youths on Southam Street in Notting Hill on 17 May 1959. His murder remains unsolved to this day. The shock and injustice of his killing became a catalyst for community organising and directly contributed to the establishment of Notting Hill Carnival, a celebration born out of both grief and resistance. The new billboard is located at the Sainsbury’s roundabout on Ladbroke Grove, one of the busiest points on the Carnival route. It displays a striking image of Cochrane alongside a powerful quote from the late activist Darcus Howe: “If there weren’t race riots in Notting Hill I don’t believe that we would have had the Notting Hill Carnival. If it wasn’t for the murder of Kelso Cochrane, Carnival wouldn’t have happened.” In an interview with The Voice  newspaper earlier this year, Kawasaki explained that the idea stemmed from the annual online debates about Carnival losing touch with its history. “If we continue on that trajectory, we risk losing not only the importance of Notting Hill Carnival, we risk losing Notting Hill Carnival itself. Rather than just talking about it, I wanted to walk the walk.” More than 100 people attended the unveiling, including members of Kelso Cochrane’s family who also addressed the crowd. The event was a vibrant celebration of Caribbean culture, with live steelpan music, a performance by Calypsonian Alexander D. Great , and food from local vendors such as Flake Bake Patties and PureCane Juice. It was realised through a collaboration with Acexchange , an organisation powered by British professional boxer Anthony Joshua. Kawasaki’s campaign quickly captured public imagination. He secured the £2,000 billboard space in just a day and a half through donations, after initially borrowing the money from his mother to lock in the site. He has since revealed bigger ambitions, including bus shelter takeovers and a long-term goal of a Westfield White City billboard dedicated to Carnival’s history. “Notting Hill Carnival is a story with many authors. This billboard is just the beginning. As we go forward, I want to make sure all the founding figures are honoured.” The billboard will remain in place for two weeks, from 15 to 26 August, throughout the Carnival period. Visitors are encouraged to stop by, take photos, and share them on social media to help raise awareness of Carnival’s origins and the legacy of Kelso Cochrane. This unveiling comes at a crucial moment, as Notting Hill Carnival continues to face negative media scrutiny each year. By reclaiming the narrative, the campaign ensures that Carnival’s true roots in resilience, resistance and cultural pride remain firmly in the public eye. Congratulations to Kayne Kawasaki, everyone who donated, and the family of Kelso Cochrane for making this historic moment possible.

Reverend Clive Foster MBE has been appointed as the UK’s first Windrush Commissioner. This marks a significant step in the government’s commitment to rectify the injustices of the Windrush scandal. It ensures that victims' voices are heard at every stage of reform. The announcement comes just ahead of Windrush Day on 22 June. This day commemorates 77 years since the arrival of HMT Empire Windrush and celebrates the extraordinary contributions of the Windrush generation to Britain. A New Independent Role for Change The Windrush Commissioner is a new, independent role created to oversee the government’s response to the scandal. Reverend Foster will serve a three-year term, working three days a week. His primary responsibility will be to hold the government accountable, especially regarding the Windrush Compensation Scheme. He will ensure that the promised cultural and systemic changes are implemented across Whitehall. “I’m honoured to take on the role,” said Reverend Foster. “Justice must be delivered — not just in words but through real, visible change. The Windrush generations gave so much to this country and deserve better than the treatment they received.” A Personal Connection to the Windrush Story Reverend Foster is a senior pastor at Pilgrim Church in Nottingham. He is a long-time community leader, campaigner, and the founder of the Nottingham Windrush Support Forum. His parents migrated from Jamaica in 1959, giving him direct ties to the Windrush generation. He also serves as Vice Chair of the Windrush National Organisation. “The injustices faced by the Windrush generations must never be repeated,” he said. “That means action, accountability, and reform. I will carry out this role independently and ensure scrutiny leads to real improvement.” Government Response Under Pressure The Windrush scandal came to light in 2018. It revealed that hundreds of long-settled Commonwealth citizens had been wrongly detained, deported, or denied access to work, housing, and healthcare. Despite being invited to Britain legally between 1948 and 1971, many were unable to prove their status due to a lack of official documentation. The consequences were devastating. People lost their homes, jobs, healthcare access, and, in some cases, their liberty. The government’s response, particularly the Windrush Compensation Scheme, has faced criticism for being slow, bureaucratic, and inadequate. Campaigners have long called for an independent process, noting that at least 64 claimants have died before receiving any compensation. Rebuilding Trust, Delivering Justice The new Labour government has pledged to expedite justice for victims of the Windrush scandal. They aim to ensure that the mistakes of the past are never repeated, as outlined in their election manifesto. Alongside Reverend Foster’s appointment, they have re-established the Windrush Unit and committed £1.5 million in new funding to assist individuals in navigating the compensation process. Home Secretary Yvette Cooper stated, “The Windrush generations are part of the fabric of our nation. This government is absolutely determined to right the wrongs they suffered. I’m delighted to welcome Reverend Clive Foster as our Windrush Commissioner. His lived experience, deep community roots, and dedication to justice make him the right person to lead this work.” A Role to Honour and Celebrate While focused on securing justice, Reverend Foster also sees this role as an opportunity to honour the Windrush legacy. “The Windrush generations should not be defined by a scandal,” he said. “They should be recognised for their strength, resilience, and incredible contributions to the UK. Now is the time to celebrate and uplift that story.” The Importance of the Windrush Legacy The Windrush generation has played a pivotal role in shaping modern Britain. Their contributions span various sectors, including healthcare, education, and the arts. Recognising their impact is essential for fostering a more inclusive society. Celebrating Contributions The achievements of the Windrush generation deserve recognition. From the NHS to the arts, their influence is profound. Celebrating these contributions can help heal the wounds of the past and promote unity. Moving Forward Together As the UK moves forward, it is crucial to learn from the Windrush scandal. Ensuring that such injustices do not occur again requires collective effort. It involves listening to the voices of those affected and implementing meaningful reforms. Conclusion Reverend Clive Foster's appointment as the Windrush Commissioner is a significant step towards justice and accountability. It represents a commitment to honouring the Windrush legacy and ensuring that the contributions of this generation are celebrated. The journey towards healing and recognition is ongoing, but with dedicated individuals like Reverend Foster at the helm, there is hope for a brighter future. Photo Credit: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/reverend-clive-foster-appointed-as-first-windrush-commissioner

Marion Patrick Jones (also known by her married names Marion Glean and later Marion O'Callaghan) was born in 1934 in the middle-class suburb of Woodbrook in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago. Woodbrook was a diverse, multi-racial area, home to families with education or skilled trades, many of whom aspired to emulate British social norms. Her father, Patrick Jones, was of Chinese and mixed African-European heritage, was a leading Trinidadian trade unionist, as well as a renowned calypsonian and Carnival bandleader. He was known as “Cromwell, the Lord Protector,” and is credited with singing the first political calypso song in 1920. Like many aspirational families in Woodbrook, Marion was sent to a reputable Christian school. She attended St Joseph’s Convent School – an exclusive Roman Catholic girls’ school run by Irish nuns - where she won the Girls’ Open Island Scholarship in 1950. She ranked third among all candidates across the West Indies and became one of the first two women admitted to the Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture in St Augustine (now part of the University of the West Indies). After graduation, she travelled to New York City to pursue further studies, earning a diploma in Library Science. To support her education, she worked in a ceramics factory painting pottery and became involved in labour organising, helping to establish a trade union with Manny Spiro. Upon returning to Trinidad, she qualified as a chartered librarian and served as Senior Librarian at the Carnegie Library in San Fernando. During this time, she also joined the Friends of Quakers movement and did welfare work for the blind. In 1962, she moved to Britain to continue her education, earning a BSc degree from the University of London. She later completed postgraduate studies in Social Anthropology at the London School of Economics, writing her thesis on a subject close to her heart - the Chinese community in Trinidad. While studying for her master’s, she worked as a secretary to the Quaker International Affairs Centre in London. Marion (known as Marion Glean while residing in Britain) was a committed pacifist and Quaker. She played a prominent role in the Black community and contributed to key debates on race and post-colonial politics. In the run-up to the 1964 UK general election, she was involved in producing a series of statements on race, published in Peace News by editor Theodore Roszak. As Kalbir Shukra notes in The Changing Pattern of Black Politics in Britain (1998): “After the election, Glean brought together Alan Lovell and Michael Randle – pacifists and former members of the Committee of 100 - with other friends who had written for Peace News, including Ranjana Ash (an active member of the Movement for Colonial Freedom), Trinidadian historian and writer C. L. R. James, and Barry Reckord (Caribbean playwright and actor).” Initially, they formed a debating group called Multi-Racial Britain, but Martin Luther King’s visit to London in December 1964 inspired them to expand their efforts. They used King’s presence and influence to engage a broader audience. That year, King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his non-violent struggle for civil rights in the United States. Before travelling to Norway to accept the award, he visited the UK to preach at St Paul’s Cathedral and meet civil rights activists. US Civil Rights activist Bayard Rustin, responsible for organising King’s visit to the UK, was put in contact with Glean to help coordinate the tour. Together, they arranged for King to meet local immigrant activists and promote anti-discrimination legislation in Britain. On Monday 7 th  December King met with activists at Hilton Hotel in London for hour and a half. Those present included Dr David Pitt and representatives from: London Region of Standing Conference of West Indian Organisations, West Indian Student Union, the British Caribbean Association, Anti-Apartheid, the National Federation of Pakistan Association, Council of African Organisations, Southall Indian Workers Association, the CND, the Committee of 100 and the Movement for Colonial Freedom. An ad hoc committee was formed at this meeting, serving as a “nucleus for an umbrella organisation to coordinate the anti-discrimination efforts of organisations in the immigrant communities.” This group formally adopted the name Campaign for Racial Discrimination (CARD) at a follow-up meeting on the 10th January 1965. In The Guardian  newspaper, published on 12 th December 1964, Glean described the movement as “not a coloured front vis-à-vis the rest.” Although most CARD members were Black (a political term used at the time to describe people of colour from the Commonwealth), Dr David Pitt served as chair. White liberals also came to play a significant role in CARD’s subsequent campaigns. For four years, it was an effective – though later controversially moderate – influence behind Harold Wilson’s Labour government and its promotion of American-style civil rights and anti-discrimination legislation. By 1965, Marion had divorced and remarried, was now known as Marion O’Callaghan, and was living and working in Paris. She worked as Director of Social Science Programmes for UNESCO, overseeing their anti-apartheid programme from 1965 to 1990. During this time, she began her writing career, publishing two novels in the 1970s under her maiden name, Marion Patrick Jones. Her first novel, Pan Beat (1973), explored steelband culture and the role of women in its development. Her second, J’Ouvert Morning (1976), examined middle-class struggles in a society with a colonial legacy. Lloyd W. Brown commented on her work: "In spite of the soap operatic quality of her narrative materials, Jones's novels succeed as riveting documents of a troubled society in a state of transition. ...despite Jones's melodramatic tendencies, the characters are vividly drawn and the language especially in  J'Ouvert Morning  - is original and invigorating." While Jennifer Rahim said, “The author's invaluable contribution to the region's literature is her sensitive analysis of the Trinidadian urban middle class, as it strives to escape poverty and anonymity.” Writing by Jones appears in such collections as Her True-True Name: An Anthology of Women's Writing from the Caribbean  (eds Pamela Mordecai and Betty Wilson, 1989), Caribbean Women Writers: Essays from the First International Conference (ed. Selwyn R Cudjoe, 1990), and Daughters of Africa: An International Anthology of Words and Writings by Women of African Descent (ed. Margaret Busby, 1992). After retiring from UNESCO in 1990, she returned to live Trinidad with her husband Maurice O'Callaghan. There, she continued to write, contributing a weekly commentary column for the Trinidad and Tobago Newsday newspaper. Marion O’Callaghan died aged 84 at her home in Port of Spain on 2 March 2016.   Source: https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/The_Changing_Pattern_of_Black_Politics_i/vccqIjs0GfAC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22marion+glean%22&pg=PA20&printsec=frontcover https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2014/dec/12/martin-luther-king-dr-uk-visit-1948 https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/Special_Relations/l8xT0epJ5OoC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=marion+glean&pg=PA173&printsec=frontcover https://www.stpauls.co.uk/visit-from-martin-luther-king https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2014/dec/02/martin-luther-king-in-london-1964-reflections-on-a-landmark-visit#:~:text=He%20spoke%20of%20the%20iniquity,but%20behaviour%20can%20be%20regulated . https://www.womeninpeace.org/j-names/2017/8/1/marion-patrick-jones https://www.wikiwand.com/en/articles/Marion_Patrick_Jones https://www.encyclopedia.com/education/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/jones-marion-patrick

As Britain contends with the fallout from the Bradford riots, Labour’s strategic shift to the right — aimed at regaining disillusioned working-class voters — has sparked fierce debate. The return of Nigel Farage, now buoyed by Reform UK’s rising popularity, has once again thrust immigration to the forefront of national politics. But this isn’t new. Revisiting Smethwick: A Critical Moment in British Politics In this blog post, we explore our Windrush timeline to revisit the 1964 General Election, when a bitter campaign in a small West Midlands town became a defining moment in modern British race relations. The Smethwick election of that year is still remembered as one of the most openly racist political contests in British history. The Context of the 1964 Election Sixty years ago, immigration — then as now — acted as a lightning rod for deeper economic and social anxieties. Smethwick, a modest town on the edge of the Black Country, became the epicentre of a backlash rooted in fear, fuelled by demographic change. Political opportunists cynically exploited this situation. What unfolded in Smethwick uncannily mirrors the political theatre of today: culture wars masquerading as policy debates, race standing in for class, and populism dressed as patriotism. A Snapshot of a Divided Town In 1964, Smethwick was a working-class constituency with a proud industrial past and a growing immigrant population, particularly from the Caribbean and the Indian subcontinent. Similar demographic shifts were also taking place in cities like London, Birmingham, and Manchester. Yet, Smethwick came to symbolise Britain’s racial fault lines. The sitting MP, Labour’s Patrick Gordon Walker — a well-educated former Commonwealth Secretary — had held the seat since 1945. Despite a national swing toward Labour that year, Smethwick bucked the trend. He was defeated — and not narrowly — by Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths. Griffiths was a grammar school-educated populist whose campaign became one of the most infamous in British political history. The Slogan That Shamed a Nation Posters emerged bearing the now-notorious slogan: “If you want a n** r for a neighbour, vote Labour.” Griffiths denied authoring or endorsing this slogan, claiming it was the work of far-right extremists. However, he refused to condemn it — and, in doing so, politically benefitted. The swing to the Conservatives in Smethwick was 7.2%, compared to a national 3.5% swing toward Labour. This wasn’t just about prejudice. It was a calculated strategy. The Conservatives, eager to claw back working-class support, had found a wedge issue: immigration. Much like Farage’s dog-whistle politics today, race became a proxy for economic insecurity and cultural change. Labour — similar to now — appeared either ill-equipped or unwilling to push back effectively. Economic Underpinnings of the Backlash It is essential to recognize that Smethwick’s story was about more than just racism. The 1960s were marked by economic decline, rising unemployment, and a growing sense that the post-war consensus was unraveling. Deindustrialisation loomed. Living standards were under pressure from pay freezes, inflation, and devaluation. Industrial unrest surged. In Place of Strife , Labour’s failed attempt to curb union power became a byword for political ineptitude. Lightning strikes paralysed key industries, resulting in more working days lost than at any time since the General Strike of 1926. This backdrop fuelled a nationwide mood of anxiety and discontent. Immigration as a Scapegoat Within this climate of insecurity, immigration became a scapegoat. Housing was scarce, and jobs were no longer guaranteed. For many in places like Smethwick, the fear wasn’t of “foreigners” per se; it was the belief that hard-won rights and resources were slipping away. Framing this solely as a matter of race risks overlooking deeper unease about fairness, class, and national decline. Contemporary surveys support this view. The Rose Report (late 1960s) found that 73% of the British public were either tolerant or leaning towards tolerance of immigrants. Immigrants were not the cause of Britain’s post-war challenges. They became the most visible symbol of change and the most convenient to blame. Then, as now, the immigration debate often conceals a deeper fear: that the social fabric is unraveling and no one is listening. From Powell to Farage: The Racialisation of Class Discontent Griffiths’ victory foreshadowed Enoch Powell’s “Rivers of Blood” speech just four years later, a moment that propelled racialised political rhetoric to the national stage. Today, Nigel Farage picks up that torch, albeit in the language of “control,” “integration,” and “pressure on services.” It is no coincidence that Labour now tailors its messages to appeal to Reform UK voters, invoking “common sense” and “pragmatic” border policies. This isn't merely a repetition of Smethwick — but it certainly rhymes. Although the slogans may have disappeared and the language may be more polite, the dynamic remains familiar: race and migration weaponised in a struggle for the soul of the working class. Why Revisiting Smethwick Matters Smethwick serves as a cautionary tale. When mainstream parties fail to challenge racism directly — or worse, co-opt its logic for electoral strategy — the consequences endure. What happened in 1964 shaped how race and immigration would be politicised in the UK for decades. Today’s Labour Party is still wrestling with its ideological identity and could do well to heed this history. The media also plays a role, often simplifying complex debates into binary positions — pro-immigration versus anti — while ignoring the structural failures that feed resentment. Revisiting Smethwick isn’t about nostalgia or blame. It is about making choices. It reminds us that immigration will always be debated — but how it is debated, and whose voices are included, will shape the country’s future. Smethwick is significant not just because of what was said or who won. It marked a turning point — the moment British politics first openly exploited racial anxiety for political gain. This showed just how effective that strategy could be when combined with economic hardship and social unrest. However, Smethwick also cautions against oversimplification. Yes, racism was present. But so were issues of housing, wages, community, and identity — the complicated, lived experiences of people struggling to adapt to change. The Need for Nuance in Political Discourse We must remember this lesson today. Condemning voters, or reducing national conversations to “tolerant” versus “racist,” risks missing the nuance altogether. Unless we confront the real causes of disaffection — and resist the temptation to respond to complex questions with slogans and scapegoats — we risk becoming trapped in a cycle of political déjà vu. Revisiting the past requires us to learn from it. Only then can we hope to respond more effectively to the challenges our society faces, including those related to immigration and communal harmony.

Channel 4 has announced the commission of Big Age , a 1 x 30’ refreshing new comedy pilot written by acclaimed writer Bolu Babalola ( Love in Colour ) and produced by Tiger Aspect ( Man Like Mobeen, Hitmen). The vivacious show will air as part of Channel 4’s Black to Front day on Friday 10 September 2021. Big Age follows a group of four young Black-British friends who are in the ‘big age’ era of their lives. With a backdrop of parental expectation, personal dreams and the crushing reality of maxed out credit cards and with the Nigerian phrase ’at your big age!’ ringing in their ears; it’s a quipped admonition that can be both loving and mocking, both commanding and encouraging - it is about growing up, stretching up, stepping up. Bolu Babalola, the creator of this distinctive and inspiringly funny show, is a British-Nigerian woman with a misleading bachelor's degree in law, a master's degree in American Politics & History from UCL where her thesis was on Beyoncé's "Lemonade"; she was awarded a distinction for it. So essentially, she has a master's degree in Beyoncé. She is the author of the New York Times and Times Best-Selling anthology Love In Colour, and a self-coined "romcomoisseur". Bolu writes stories of dynamic women with distinct voices who love and are loved audaciously. In the pilot, Ronkẹ Adékoluẹjo ( Alex Rider, Been So Long ) plays our protagonist Ṣadé who has just turned 25, or twenty-thrive – she’s unashamedly ambitious, fierce but has moments of spiralling (yet hilarious) insecurity. Ṣadé dreams of being a writer. Dela is Ṣade’s best friend, played by Racheal Ofori ( Sliced, Treadstone ) – she’s an artist who prefers to ‘go where her soul flows’ and is a free-spirited, sexually liberated, social justice warrior who would do anything for her friend. She’s also secretly a very middle-class private school kid who never used to “see colour” (something she is secretly deeply ashamed of). Michael Workeye ( Brothers, Sitting in Limbo ) plays Zeke, Ṣadé’s unrequited love – a slick-talker and player, full of easy charm and charisma. Completing the foursome is Tayo, played by CJ Beckford ( I Am Danielle, Sitting in Limbo ), the dry humoured grounding force of the group who seemingly has his life on track. Bolu Babalola said : “It is quite literally a dream come true to have the opportunity to bring Big Age to life with Channel 4. It's been a great joy to develop these characters and this world over the years, and I am so thrilled that a place that has housed so many of my favourite shows has chosen to help me share it. Ṣadé is a young woman with big dreams and a big heart, and Big Age is a celebration of friendship, ambition with heart, and the connections that propel us forward in newly formulating adulthood. With great thanks to Tiger Aspect and my wonderful producer and creative partner Amy Annette, I cannot wait for the world to meet (and fall in love with) Ṣadé and the gang.” Fiona McDermott, Head of Comedy, Channel 4 said: “ When we first read this script, Ṣadé and Dela just bounced off the page. Funny, contemporary, and surprising characters that have a deliciously moreish, comic energy. We knew we needed to see them come to life. We’re so pleased to be working with Bolu on this, her first scripted project, and beyond thrilled that she and Big Age are part of our Black to Front commitment.” David Simpson, Head of Comedy for Tiger Aspect said: “We’re delighted to be making this pilot for Channel 4. Bolu’s writing is funny, nuanced and wonderfully well observed and she has created a set of characters and a friendship at the heart of this that audiences are going to adore. It is also fantastic to be part of Channel 4's Black to Front event championing Black talent on and off screen. It is so important for broadcasters to make these kinds of meaningful commitments and it has been wonderful to see a cast and crew come together at the heart of this production that are absolutely sensational." Channel 4 will broadcast one complete day of television fronted by Black talent and featuring Black contributors this September. Black to Front will champion Black voices and stories and celebrate the incredible Black talent that make, shape and star in British TV. Black to Front is part of Channel 4’s ongoing commitment as an anti-racist organisation to improve Black representation on and off screen, amplify the conversations around representation and portrayal, and drive long-term change. Black to Front was conceived by commissioning editors Vivienne Molokwu and Shaminder Nahal. It will be led by Deputy Director of Programmes, Kelly Webb-Lamb with Vivienne and Shaminder working across the whole day with Melissa Cousins as Project Coordinator. Head of Creative Diversity Babita Bahal and Director of Commissioning Operations, Emma Hardy are also part of the core team. Big Age will air as part of Black to Front alongside a one-off special of The Big Breakfast fronted by Bafta winning Mo Gilligan and AJ Odudu, a new 4-part reality series Highlife and Countdown, presented by the eminent journalist and broadcaster Sir Trevor McDonald. Additionally, some of Channel 4’s biggest flagship shows will be fronted by Black talent and featuring Black contributors, including Celebrity Gogglebox and Channel 4 News . Hollyoaks will be an hour-long special entirely written, directed and performed by its Black talent. To ensure that Black to Front drives significant and sustainable change within the industry off-screen, Channel 4 is working with The Sir Lenny Henry Centre for Media Diversity to help shape meaningful off-screen commitments to leave a lasting legacy and to ensure we are addressing specific problems in the industry.

Kemi Badenoch , the first Black woman to lead a major political party in the UK, has controversially suggested that the concept of a Black community should be "consigned to history," arguing that it no longer reflects modern realities. So, is the Black community still relevant, or has growing diversity made the concept outdated? Can a collective Black identity persist amidst differing histories, nationalities, religions, and socio-economic experiences? Or do shared systemic challenges continue to unify Black Britons? In this blog post, we’ll explore how the concept of a ‘Black community’ in the UK has evolved and whether it remains relevant today. Has the idea of a tightly unified Black community become outdated, replaced by a more fluid notion of a Black population with looser connections? Let’s dive in and unpack this question. The Foundations of a Black Community in Britain To answer these questions, it’s important to reflect on how the concept of the 'Black community' has evolved over time. It was never just a cultural construct - it was born out of necessity. Black communities have existed in the UK since at least the early 1500s, brought to Britain through various routes: some were brought via enslavement as servants, others worked on ships or served as soldiers in the Napoleonic Wars , the American War of Independence, and later the First World War. Some also came as students who chose to stay. These communities were primarily based in seaport cities like London, Bristol, Cardiff’s Tiger Bay, and Liverpool, making them some of the UK’s oldest Black communities. Though small in number—fewer than 0.1% of the population until the mid-20th century—these groups were highly diverse, including West Africans, Caribbean's, and sailors or ‘Lascars’ from the Asian continent, East and Southern Africa. There were also members of the poor white working class, often women who had married Black men. They supported one another against widespread social prejudice, though they rarely referred to themselves explicitly as a "Black community." The arrival of the Windrush generation in 1948 marked a pivotal moment in the formation of a Black community. As they helped rebuild post-war Britain, they faced widespread hostility, much like earlier Black communities, but on a much larger scale. The discriminatory signs, “No Blacks, No Dogs, No Irish,” became a stark symbol of the blatant discrimination they encountered. In response, Black communities strengthened their bonds of solidarity. West Indian arrivals joined existing communities in cities like Liverpool and Bristol or established new ones in areas such as Brixton in London, and Handsworth in Birmingham. A key moment of activism came with the Bristol Bus Boycott , led by Paul Stephenson—whose family had been British-born for generations—alongside Roy Hackett, Owen Henry, Audley Evans, and Prince Brown from the campaigning group the West Indian Development Council. They built support systems through community centres, churches, and pardner savings groups. For instance, after being made unwelcome at his local church, Dr. Oliver A. Lyseight founded the New Testament Church of God, providing a refuge for Black immigrants who often faced racism in white churches. (1) Similarly, “pardner” saving groups were established to help members buy homes, which they rented out rooms to fellow migrants. These institutions nurtured a sense of belonging. The Black community of the 1950s and 1960s wasn’t just focused on survival—it became a platform for political mobilisation. Activists such as Claudia Jones and David Pitt , alongside groups like the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination, fought for legislative and societal change, laying the foundation for the UK’s civil rights movement in the 1970s and 1980s. This generation of Caribbean and African migrants, together with existing Black Britons, built a collective identity to confront racism and exclusion. While they didn’t always label themselves as a “Black community,” their actions reflected unity and resilience. The Rise of the Black British identity Today, some mistakenly believe the term "Black British" was imposed by the state. In truth, it was coined by the children of Caribbean immigrants. Born and raised in the UK, these young people rejected their parents' slower, more cautious approach to life. They embraced change, recognising that despite its racial challenges, Britain was their home. Black British youth faced systemic barriers in various aspects of life. In education, they were often steered into lower academic tiers and subjected to harsher disciplinary measures. They were also disproportionately targeted by the police under the controversial SUS laws , which allowed stop-and-search based solely on suspicion. Beyond these institutional challenges, they endured violence from far-right groups such as the National Front. In response to these shared struggles, they adopted "Black" as a unifying identity—one that transcended national or ethnic boundaries and reflected their collective experience. “Black” became a political coalition, an umbrella term for people in the UK who were likely to experience discrimination based on their skin colour—essentially, anyone who was not white. For example, the British Black Panthers Party, founded by Nigerian-born Obi Egbuna in 1968, focused on resisting police brutality, adopting the principle of "political blackness" to unite not just African and Caribbean communities, but also members of the South Asian community in their shared struggle against systemic injustice. This era witnessed a vibrant cultural renaissance. Reggae, ska, and dub poetry emerged as powerful forms of resistance, with artists like Linton Kwesi Johnson confronting systemic racism through their evocative work. Meanwhile, genres like   Lovers Rock  and UK Soul achieved global recognition, with Black British acts such as Loose Ends, Five Star, and Soul II Soul gaining prominence in the American R&B scene. The literary world thrived, with authors like Buchi Emecheta and Caryl Phillips delving into themes of migration, identity, and belonging. In cinema, filmmakers like Horace Ové spotlighted Black British experiences through influential works like as Pressure  and A Hole in Babylon , breaking new ground in storytelling. The 1981 New Cross Fire, in which 13 Black youths tragically lost their lives, became a pivotal moment for racial justice, igniting the Black People’s Day of Action, where over 20,000 marched through London demanding accountability and change. This era also witnessed a surge in political activism and cultural expression. Significant milestones included the Race Relations Act of 1976, which tackled indirect discrimination, and Diane Abbott’s historic 1987 election as the first Black woman in Parliament, marking a watershed in political representation. Organisations like the Black Sections of the Labour Party played a crucial role in amplifying Black and Asian voices in politics, further shaping the fight for equality. By the 1990s, the concept of political Blackness began to wane, and the term "Black British" became more closely associated with people of African and Afro-Caribbean descent. (2) The second generation of Black Britons, born and raised in the UK, forged a unique identity that blended their ancestral heritage with British culture. This hybrid identity shaped contemporary understandings of what it means to be Black British, a term initially embraced by African immigrants as well. A Changing Black Population By the 2000s, however, many first generation African migrants began prioritising their national identities over collective terms like "Black British." Migration from countries such as Nigeria, Ghana, Zimbabwe, and Somalia during this period reshaped the demographic composition of Black Britain. (3) Africans became the majority, outnumbering Caribbean Britons two to one. These migrants arrived for diverse reasons: to study, work in the NHS and care sectors, reunite with family, or seek asylum. (3) Some also migrated from European countries like the Netherlands and Denmark after gaining citizenship there, enriching Black Britain with cultural and linguistic diversity. While contributing to the broader Black British identity, many first generation African migrants preferred specific identifiers, such as Nigerian-British or Somali-British, reflecting strong national pride. For refugees, survival and rebuilding their lives often took precedence over adopting collective terms like "Black British," which they found disconnected from their immediate realities. Globalisation and the digital age further reinforced individualism, as digital connectivity and easier travel maintained strong ties to home countries, complicating efforts to forge a unified identity. These differences occasionally led to tensions between African and Caribbean-descended Britons. For second and third generation Caribbean Britons, the collective struggle against systemic racism remains central to their identity. In contrast, many first generation African migrants, who arrived after significant civil rights milestones, may feel less urgency to adopt Blackness as a political identity. Public figures like Kemi Badenoch have attempted to capitalise on these debates, questioning whether terms like "Black community" still capture the complexities of modern Black British experiences. Does the Black Community Still Exist? Despite increasing diversity, shared systemic challenges continue to unify Black Britons. Unemployment rates for Black Britons remain disproportionately high compared to White Britons, and racial disparities persist in healthcare, education, and policing. (4) Black women face disproportionately high maternal mortality rates, and Black men are disproportionately subjected to stop-and-search measures and overrepresented in the prison system. (5) Movements like Black Lives Matter demonstrate the enduring potential for collective action. Though the concept of a "Black community" may be less cohesive than during the Windrush era, solidarity around systemic inequality remains powerful. Generational shifts are also reshaping identity dynamics, with the second generation of African Britons leading a cultural renaissance. Building on the legacies of the 1970s and 1980s, contemporary artists such as Stormzy, Michaela Coel, Dave, and J Hus redefine representation, while genres like UK Grime and Afroswing highlight the creative evolution of a modern Black British identity. Initiatives like UK Black History Month , championed by Ghanaian activist Akyaaba Addai-Sebo, also foster dialogue and collaboration, bridging divides within the Black British population. These efforts highlight how diversity and shared history can coexist within a broader collective identity. So, is there still a Black community in the UK? The answer largely depends on how we define “community.” If we consider it as the tightly unified groups of the Windrush era, then the answer is no. However, the Black British population continues to share systemic barriers and cultural contributions that foster meaningful connections. Rather than questioning whether the Black community still exists, it may be more productive to explore how it adapts and thrives in an ever-changing society. By embracing diversity alongside shared challenges, Black Britons can forge an inclusive identity that honours the past while celebrating modern experiences. Sources: https://www.blackhistoryandheritage.com/history/stories/lseight.html (1) https://qz.com/1219398/political-blackness-a-very-british-concept-with-a-complex-history (2) https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/national-insurance-number-allocations-to-adult-overseas-nationals-entering-the-uk (3) https://www.newstatesman.com/world/uk/2020/07/lifetime-inequality-how-black-britons-face-discrimination-every-age (4) https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm5803/cmselect/cmwomeq/94/report.html (5)

1940s: Legal Precedents and a New Beginning 1940 – Colour bar on military officers begins to be dismantled During the Second World War, sustained campaigning by groups such as the League of Coloured Peoples and the West African Students Union led to the removal of regulations. These regulations previously prevented anyone not of “pure European descent” from becoming an officer in the British armed forces. 1943 – Constantine v Imperial London Hotels Learie Constantine, a West Indian cricketer, wins a landmark legal case after being denied service due to his race. This case was one of the earliest examples of a successful racial discrimination suit in Britain. 1948 – British Nationality Act This act grants citizenship to people from British colonies, paving the way for mass migration from the Caribbean and other parts of the Commonwealth. 1948 – Arrival of Empire Windrush (22 June) Nearly 500 Caribbean passengers arrive at Tilbury Docks. This marks the beginning of modern multicultural Britain. 1950s: Struggle, Solidarity, and Cultural Resistance 1951 – Death of Dr Harold Moody The early UK civil rights movement suffered a significant loss with the death of Dr. Harold Moody. His passing marked the end of one era and paved the way for a new generation of leadership. 1957 – David Pitt addresses Labour Party Conference Trinidadian-born Dr. David Pitt delivers a forceful speech against racial intolerance. This speech stands out as one of the earliest examples of anti-racist politics within a mainstream UK party. 1957 – Rent Act fuels housing inequality The national government removes rent controls. Landlords such as Peter Rachman would exploit newly arrived Caribbean migrants, who were unable to access fair housing due to widespread discrimination. 1958 – Notting Hill and Nottingham Race Riots Racial tensions erupted as white mobs, including ‘Teddy Boys’, launched violent attacks on Caribbean residents in both Nottingham and London’s Notting Hill. In Notting Hill, Black residents fiercely resisted, led notably by ex-Second World War servicemen defending their communities. These riots sparked a wave of Black-led organising, solidarity, and cultural resistance. 1958 – Claudia Jones launches The West Indian Gazette This was the first major Black British newspaper advocating for civil rights, anti-colonialism, and Pan-African solidarity. It served as a platform for the Black community, amplifying their voices and addressing issues of racism and inequality. 1958 – West Indian Standing Conference (WISC) formed Established to unify Caribbean community organisations and address discrimination in housing and employment. It was formed in response to the Notting Hill riots. 1959 – Claudia Jones organises Britain’s first Caribbean Carnival Claudia Jones hosts a carnival at St Pancras Town Hall. This event celebrated Caribbean culture and unity. It served as both a political response to the 1958 race riots and a joyful expression of resistance, laying the foundation for what would later become the Notting Hill Carnival. 1959 – Kelso Cochrane is murdered in Notting Hill The Antiguan carpenter’s fatal stabbing is believed to be racially motivated, triggering national outrage. Tragically, no one has ever been charged, and the case remains unsolved to this day. 1959 – David Pitt runs for Parliament in Hampstead David Pitt becomes one of the first Black parliamentary candidates, though he is unsuccessful. His campaign challenged the political status quo. 1960s: From Protest to Policy 1962 – Commonwealth Immigrants Act This act imposes immigration controls on citizens from former British colonies. Though framed as neutral, it disproportionately targeted Black and Asian migrants. This marked the start of racially coded immigration policy. November 1962 – West Indian Development Council (WIDC) formed Also known as the Commonwealth Coordinated Committee (CCC), it was formed in Bristol to support Caribbean migrants facing systemic discrimination in housing and employment. It played a key role in the Bristol Bus Boycott. 1963 – Bristol Bus Boycott Led by Paul Stephenson, Roy Hackett, Guy Bailey, and others, this campaign successfully challenged a local bus company’s colour bar. This marked a major civil rights victory inspired by the US movement. 1964 – Smethwick General Election campaign The Conservative electoral campaign exploits anti-immigrant sentiment. One slogan, now infamous, lays bare the open racism in British politics at the time. The incident highlights how racial tensions were mirrored and amplified in mainstream UK politics. December 1964 – Martin Luther King Jr. visits London King meets UK civil rights activists and engages with immigrant communities, which led to the formation of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD). 12 February 1965 – Malcolm X visits Smethwick Amid growing racial tensions, Malcolm X visits the area shortly before his assassination, spotlighting British racism on an international stage. 1965 – Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) founded Formed after King’s visit, CARD lobbies for anti-discrimination laws and legal reforms. 1965 – CARD’s Green Document submitted This influential document suggests amendments to the upcoming Race Relations Bill. It proposes a conciliatory commission instead of criminal penalties, a key step toward establishing the Race Relations Board. 1965 – Immigration White Paper released This signals more restrictive immigration policies targeting non-white populations. 1965 – First Race Relations Act passed This act prohibits racial discrimination in public spaces. While groundbreaking, it remains a limited piece of legislation. 1966–1970: Radicalisation, Policing, and Legal Expansion 1966 – Asquith Xavier breaks British Rail colour bar After a public campaign, Xavier becomes the first Black train guard at London Euston. He defeated a racist ban on non-white employees. 1966 – CARD launches Summer Project This project monitored enforcement of the Race Relations Act, revealing continued discrimination in housing and employment. 1967 – First convictions under Race Relations Act A 17-year-old from the National Socialist Party faces conviction for racial discrimination. Colin Jordan, the party’s leader, is jailed for inciting hatred. 1967 – CARD petitions the BBC to axe the Black & White Minstrel Show In May, CARD presents a petition calling for the end of the racist show. They describe it as offensive and distressing. The BBC refuses, showing how media of the time mirrored rather than led social change. 1967 – Stokely Carmichael addresses the Dialectics of Liberation Congress (Roundhouse in London) This famed US Black Power leader inspires young Black British activists to organise around self-determination. 1967 – Universal Coloured People's Association (UCPA) founded The UK’s first Black Power group is established on 5 June 1967. It forms from a meeting of 76 members of the Black British community in Notting Hill, London. 1967 – Mangrove Restaurant opens in Notting Hill Founded by Frank Crichlow, the Mangrove quickly becomes a political and cultural hub. It later becomes central to the Mangrove Nine case. 1968 - Black Education Movement founded The Black Education Movement (BEM) challenged racism in British schools and worked to improve education for Black children. It established supplementary schools, opposed biased pupil banding, criticised ESN schools, formed advocacy groups, and raised public awareness around systemic inequalities in the education system. 1968 – Second Commonwealth Immigrants Act passed This law tightens immigration rules, making Commonwealth citizens without a parent or grandparent born in Britain subject to the same controls as non-Commonwealth migrants. This was widely seen as targeting East African Asians and Caribbean communities and was criticized for its racist intent. 1968 – Second Race Relations Act This act expands anti-discrimination protections to housing, employment, and public services. 1968 – British Black Panthers founded Formed in Notting Hill by Obi Egbuna, later joined by Altheia Jones-LeCointe and Darcus Howe, the group campaigns against police brutality, racism, and economic inequality. December 1968 – Obi Egbuna arrested and convicted He is charged with incitement following an essay on police violence. His case underscores the state’s response to radical Black organising. Leadership of the Panthers passes to Altheia Jones-LeCointe. 1969 – George Padmore Black Supplementary School opens Established by John La Rose and others in response to racism in education, this school later expands into the Black Parents Movement. 1969 – The Race Today political magazine founded This magazine is established by the Race Today Collective, becoming a leading organ for Black and Asian politics in 1970s Britain. November 1969 – Civil Rights activist Olive Morris is assaulted under the SUS laws On 15th November, Olive Morris is physically assaulted by police while defending a Nigerian diplomat wrongly accused of stealing his own car in Brixton. Her treatment highlights the discriminatory use of the Vagrancy Act 1824, which allowed police to arrest anyone merely “suspected” of a crime. This disproportionately targeted Black youth and sparked wider protests and campaigns for its repeal. 1970: The Movement Hits the Courts 1970 – Mangrove Nine trial begins Nine Black activists are tried after protesting repeated police raids on the Mangrove Restaurant. This historic trial acknowledges evidence of racial bias within the police for the first time. The case marks a generational shift, as younger members of the Windrush generation take a central role in the struggle for justice. Legacy: Foundations for the Future The period between 1940 and 1970 laid the groundwork for the modern Black British civil rights movement. Through protest, legal challenges, community organizing, and cultural expression, generations of activists confronted systemic racism. They demanded recognition, justice, and equality. The efforts of individuals and organizations during this era reshaped Britain’s legal, political, and cultural landscape. This made it possible for future generations to continue pushing for racial justice. Their legacy endures in today’s ongoing struggles against discrimination and in the fight for a truly inclusive society. Sources: The case of Constantine v Imperial London Hotels Paul, Kathleen. Whitewashing Britain: Race and Citizenship in the Postwar Era . Cornell University Press, 1997. Phillips, Mike. Windrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multi-Racial Britain . HarperCollins, 1998. Williams, John. Harold Moody: A Biography . Manchester University Press, 1987. Source: Hall, Stuart. Black Britain: A Photographic History . Reportage Press, 2007 Gilroy, Paul. There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack: The Cultural Politics of Race and Nation . Routledge, 1991. Rose, Arnold. David Pitt: A Political Biography . Manchester University Press, 2001. Archer, John. Rachman: The Man and the Myth . Lawrence & Wishart, 1977. Panton, Frances. “The Notting Hill Riots.” Race & Class , Vol. 10, No. 3, 1969, pp. 321–336. Borland, Katherine. “Claudia Jones and the Making of the Notting Hill Carnival.” Journal of Caribbean History , 2006. Fryer, Peter. Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain . Pluto Press, 1984. Sherwood, Marika. After Empire: Scott-Britain and Postcolonial Britain . Routledge, 2003. Philpott, Mike. “The 1964 Smethwick Election.” Race & Class , 1993. Simon, John. King in London: Martin Luther King's Visits to Britain . London: Lawrence & Wishart, 2015. Saghal, Siddhartha. “Anti-racist organizing in the UK: The history of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination.” Race & Class , 2013. Saghal, Siddhartha. Race, Resistance and the Law: Policing Black Communities in the UK . 2017. Hall, Stuart. “The Politics of Race and the British Railways.” New Left Review , 1967. Gikandi, Simon, and Ralph J. Crane, editors. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness . Harvard University Press, 1999. Leighton, Tanya. The Mangrove Nine Trial . History Workshop Journal, 1980. Bryan, Beverley. “Olive Morris: Radical Revolutionary.” Feminist Review , 2000. Bryan, Beverley. “Race Today: A Radical Magazine in the 1970s.” New Formations , 2001.