Image sourced from National Portrait Gallery - Barbara Beese (Anti-racism demonstration, Brick Lane) It feels strange to realise that before the 1990s, "Black" was a political term proudly claimed by Caribbean, Asian, and African communities. Today, divisions between these communities often seem insurmountable. Yet, when our team began researching UK Black history from the 1950s to the 1970s, it became clear that these diverse groups once worked together. Young Caribbean, African, and Asian youths worked together to combat racism and fight for equality. While researching our theme for UK Black History Month, Actions of Legacies , we were surprised to discover that two of the founding members of the British Black Panther Party were of South Asian descent, and that Black, Asian, and white youths stood side by side against the far-right National Front during the Battle of Lewisham. Pockets of unity still exist today, through organisations such as the Society of Black Lawyers and Southall Black Sisters, which is particularly encouraging at a time when the UK seems to be slipping back towards the divisive climate of the 1970s and 1980s.. In this blog post, we explore why political Blackness once served as a unifying concept for Black and Asian communities in the UK, why it was abandoned, and why, in the context of rising far-right rhetoric, the principle of collective racial solidarity is urgently needed again. The Rise of Political Blackness In the 1970s, "political Blackness" emerged as a rallying cry across Britain. It was never about skin tone alone but served as a unifying identity for everyone racialised as non-white. Second-generation Caribbean, African, and South Asian Britons bonded together out of necessity, providing a collective voice for communities facing hostile policing, exclusion from housing, workplace discrimination, and societal marginalisation. Political Blackness offered strength, visibility, and solidarity at a time when fragmented activism struggled to achieve meaningful change. Grassroots campaigns of the era demonstrate its impact. The Black People’s Alliance and Southall Black Sisters campaigned tirelessly on housing, policing, and employment rights. Protests following the 1981 New Cross Fire, which tragically killed 13 young Black people, showcased the power of collective action. Even within a diverse set of communities, political Blackness fostered coalitions that amplified voices often ignored by mainstream society. The Decline of Political Blackness As Britain moved into the 1990s and 2000s, political Blackness began to fade. Bureaucratic and census categories replaced it: Black Caribbean, Black African, Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi. BAME—Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic—became the institutional shorthand. While these labels offered specificity and administrative convenience, they flattened differences, obscured lived experiences, and diminished political mobilisation. The shared struggles that had united communities under political Blackness were replaced by statistical categories that failed to capture systemic racism or galvanise collective action. Internal critiques also contributed to the decline. South Asian communities often felt erased under the "Black" umbrella, and anti-Blackness persisted within communities themselves. Women’s experiences were overlooked, as sexism intersected with racism in ways that political Blackness alone could not address. Younger generations sought heritage, religion, and identity recognition that broad terms could not provide. Over time, the ethos of solidarity weakened, and with it, the political leverage of racially marginalised groups. The Consequences of Fragmentation This decline has tangible consequences. When communities are divided, governments and media can pit them against each other. The “good immigrant versus bad immigrant” narrative thrives, and anti-immigrant sentiment becomes normalised. The rise of far-right populism in the UK, exemplified by Reform UK and the increased focus on anti-immigration rhetoric, underscores the dangers of this fragmentation. Xenophobic narratives in politics contribute to a climate where harassment, abuse, and hate crimes flourish. In the year ending March 2024, police in England and Wales recorded 140,561 hate crimes, 70% of which were racially motivated. This demonstrates the tangible risks of eroding collective solidarity. Reviving the Spirit of Political Blackness Despite the decline of the term, the need for political Blackness—or something akin to it—remains urgent. Modern movements illustrate the principle in action. Black Lives Matter UK has reignited debates on anti-Black policing and systemic racism. Anti-deportation networks and campaigns around Grenfell unite diverse communities, showing the potential of cross-community solidarity to demand justice. These contemporary movements echo the ethos of political Blackness: recognising difference but acting together. However, terminology matters. BAME has been criticised for being bureaucratic and detached from lived realities. Alternative concepts like “Global Majority” or “racialised communities” aim to be more inclusive, but no label can succeed without action. Political Blackness succeeded not because of the word itself, but because it provided a banner under which communities could organise, advocate, and demand systemic change. Its legacy is about unity, shared struggle, and collective accountability. The Path Forward Reviving the spirit of political Blackness requires rethinking how solidarity works today. It must embrace intersectionality, recognising how race overlaps with class, gender, religion, and immigration status. It must be politically mobilising, giving communities leverage to challenge systemic inequalities. And it must be actionable, turning awareness into change, pressure into reform. The goal is not nostalgia—it is survival and justice in a society where racialised communities still face structural barriers. The lessons are clear. Political Blackness declined because of specificity, bureaucracy, and internal critiques—but its absence leaves a gap. Anti-immigrant rhetoric, online abuse, and the rise of far-right populism show that fragmented communities are more vulnerable. Movements that embody the spirit of political Blackness, like Black Lives Matter UK and anti-deportation campaigns, demonstrate that cross-community solidarity is not only possible but essential. Sixty years of struggle, legislation, and activism teach us that legal protections alone cannot dismantle systemic racism. Grassroots advocacy, collective organisation, and solidarity across differences are crucial. CARD’s efforts in the 1960s remind us that pushing for change, lobbying for legislation, and uniting diverse communities can yield lasting results. The principle is timeless: without unity and political action, hard-won rights remain fragile. Today, reviving the ethos of political Blackness could provide a counterweight to the normalisation of xenophobia, protect vulnerable communities, and amplify marginalised voices in public life. It is a call for strategic solidarity, informed activism, and renewed collective courage. The fight for equality is ongoing, and the framework that once united communities remains relevant. The question is not whether political Blackness can return—but whether Britain’s racialised communities have the language, vision, and courage to stand together again.

This article is based on original research by Alysha Robinson, University of Manchester History Department. We are grateful for permission to reproduce and adapt it. You can read the original in full here . The beginnings of CARD The Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) was born out of Martin Luther King Jr.’s visit to Britain in December 1964. While in London, King urged Britain’s Black and South Asian communities to organise and fight racism. His words struck a chord with his audience and after his visit, activists and immigrant groups came together to create what they called an “organisation of organisations” that could unite their voices against racism. On 10 January 1965, CARD was officially launched by a remarkable group of thinkers and activists including Trinidadian- born novelist Marion Glean , barrister Anthony Lester , historian CLR James , academics Dipak Nandy  and Hamza Alavi, and doctor and politician David Pitt . There mission was simple but urgent: to end racial discrimination in Britain. While the US civil rights movements such as the the National Association for the Advancement Coloured People (NAACP), the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE have been widely studied in the UK, CARD is often forgotten. Yet, in its brief existence, it shaped Britain's first race relations laws and set the stage for later battles against racism. CARD utilised the legalistic tactics of NAACP and the grassroots activism of SNCC and CORE to tackle institutionalised racism and help create the Britain that we live in today. Why CARD was needed By the early 1960s, Black and South Asian migrants faced hostility not only from the public but also from politicians. Both major political parties, Labour and Conservative, avoided addressing racism directly and were accused of pandering to voters who wanted tighter immigration controls. Their policies were driven by a desire to appeal to the white working-class voter base, which felt threatened by the growing presence of Black and Asian immigrants. The 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act marked a major turning point. It restricted entry to Britain for many non-white Commonwealth citizens by requiring work permits. This law, introduced by the Conservatives and upheld by Labour after their 1964 victory, sent a clear message that immigration from the Caribbean, Africa, and South Asia was no longer welcome. Tensions came to a head during the 1964 General Election campaign in Smethwick . Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths ran on an openly racist platform, calling for a five-year ban on immigration and separate schools for children from immigrant families. His campaign was supported by posters and leaflets carrying the notorious slogan “If you want a n **** for a neighbour, vote Labour.” Griffiths denied writing the slogan himself but refused to condemn it and went on to win the seat, shocking many and exposing how deeply racism had taken hold in British politics. For Black and Asian activists, the result confirmed what they already knew: Britain urgently needed a civil rights movement of its own. CARD’s tactics Although the Labour government supported immigration controls, anti-discrimination legislation was still on the agenda with Labour's Home Secretary, Sir Frank Soskice, who introduced the Race Relations Bill to Parliament in April 1965. The Bill banned discrimination in public places but ignored jobs and housing, where most prejudice was felt, and it offered little real enforcement. While it was welcomed as a historic acknowledgement of the existence of racial discrimination in Britain, it lacked both scope and strengthen. This was where CARD stepped in. Inspired by US civil rights organisations such as the NAACP, SNCC, and CORE, the group became 'the leading voice within the inner circles of a newly elected Labour government lobbying on behalf of Black and South Asian Britons'. They adopted the NAACP's tactics, blending legal lobbying with grassroots activism. Anthony Lester, who would later go on to help found both the Institute of Race Relations and Runnymede Trust, drafted a 'green document' that proposed key amendments. Soskice's original Bill had relied on punitive measures such as fines and prison sentences for offenders. CARD instead argued for conciliation boards and tribunals to handle complaints, believing this approach, borrowed from the US Civil rights Act of 1964, would be more effective in changing behaviour. They also called for the Bill to cover housing, jobs, and credit. CARD lobbied MPs, applied media pressure, and used personal networks to gain support. Dr David Pitt held private meetings with politicians, while newspapers such as The Guardian, The Sunday Times  and The Observer  ran supportive editorials. By the Bill's second reading, the government had accepted many of CARD's recommendations. The Race Relations Act of 1965 was passed with amendments establishing a Race Relations Board and regional conciliation committees where victims of discrimination could submit their their complaints. The passage of the Act was hailed as a victory, though many felt it still did not go far enough. Testing the law Although the 1965 Race Relations Act was seen as progress, CARD quickly grew frustrated with its limits. The law banned discrimination in public places but left out housing and employment, where most racism occurred. Marion Glean and Anthony Lester argued that grassroots action was needed to highlight these gaps and push for stronger protections. Inspired by America’s 1964 Freedom Summer, CARD launched the “Summer Project” in 1966. They recruited 24 young Black, Asian, and white volunteers to run “testing” exercises in Leeds, Manchester, and Southall. In these tests, a white applicant would apply for a job or housing, followed by a more qualified Black or Asian applicant. The results were clear: racism was still rife, with Black and Asian people routinely denied work, homes, and loans. By March 1967, CARD had submitted over 150 complaints from the project to the Race Relations Board. Around 90 per cent of the cases fell outside the 1965 Act’s scope. The press reported widely on the findings, with The Guardian  calling them “the most cogent case for extending the Race Relations Act.” Even The Sunday Telegraph  admitted, “It’s No Fun Being a Brown Briton.” The pressure worked. CARD’s campaign exposed the daily reality of racism in Britain and made it impossible for the government to ignore. In 1968, a new Race Relations Act was passed, this time outlawing discrimination in housing, jobs, and public services. Why CARD collapsed Despite its achievements, CARD did not last long. By 1968, internal divisions had caused the organisation to collapse. Class tensions played a role. CARD’s leadership of lawyers, doctors, and academics often felt disconnected from the working-class communities it aimed to represent. Membership fees and an emphasis on respectability made it harder for many potential supporters to engage. Race was another source of friction. CARD included white liberals in leadership roles, following the NAACP model. But by the late 1960s, Black Power ideas were spreading in Britain, and many activists wanted organisations led solely by Black and Asian people. CARD’s interracial and middle-class structure made it seem too cautious and too close to the political establishment, particularly Labour Party for some members. In 1965, David Pitt and Hamza Alavi, who favoured working with the government, left to join the newly formed National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants. By 1968, CARD was formally dissolved. Many of its former members turned to the more radical Black Power movement, which was gaining strength amongst young Black and South Asian communities, while the founding activists continued their work. Dipak Nandy, for example, became the first director of the anti-racist think tank, the Runnymede Trust. Legacy Though it lasted only a few years, CARD left an important legacy. It showed how coordinated lobbying and grassroots action could force the government to confront racism. Its campaigns exposed the everyday reality of discrimination in housing, jobs, and public life, and laid the groundwork for stronger anti-racism laws. Most importantly, CARD was a reminder that Britain’s civil rights struggle was not just an echo of the American movement, but a homegrown fight led by immigrants and their descendants who demanded equality. This article is adapted from Alysha Robinson’s original blog for the University of Manchester History Department. You can read the full article here .

Sixty years ago, Britain passed the Race Relations Act 1965, the first law to outlaw racial discrimination in public places. It was a landmark moment, recognising racism as a societal problem, not just a personal failing. The Act was limited. Housing, employment, and education were left untouched, and enforcement powers were weak. Critics called it “symbolic but toothless.” Still, it laid the groundwork for future equality laws and sparked a national conversation about race. The Act was driven by grassroots activism. Campaigns like the Bristol Bus Boycott and the Notting Hill riots highlighted daily discrimination against Black and Asian communities. The Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) was instrumental in pushing for revisions to the first bill, lobbying for stronger enforcement and ensuring the law addressed systemic issues rather than just individual prejudice. CARD’s efforts helped pave the way for the Race Relations Acts of 1968 and 1976, which expanded protections to employment, housing, and services, and led to the creation of the Commission for Racial Equality. Since then, Britain has made progress. The Equality Act 2010 consolidated anti-discrimination laws, and Black and Asian communities now have a stronger presence in politics, media, and public life. Cultural contributions from the Windrush generation are widely recognised, and politicians of South Asian, Caribbean, and African heritage hold prominent roles. But inequalities remain stark. Unemployment rates remain higher among ethnic minorities : in 2024, minority ethnic people in the UK had an unemployment rate of 8.0% compared with 3.3% for white people . Among young people aged 16–24, the gap was wider still, with Black youth facing some of the highest unemployment levels. Housing is another area of disparity. Black people in England and Wales are almost three times as likely as white people to live in social housing  (44% compared with 16%). Black families facing homelessness are also more likely to remain in temporary accommodation for long periods, with lower chances of securing permanent housing compared to their white counterparts. The Windrush scandal  exposed deep systemic failures. While more than 17,000 people eventually received documentation confirming their status , compensation has been painfully slow. By early 2024, the Home Office had paid out just over £80 million across 2,233 claims . Everyday racism, from microaggressions to stereotyping, continues to shape experiences in schools, workplaces, and public spaces. Activism has evolved, but challenges remain. Movements like Black Lives Matter UK and the Black Equity Organisation push for justice and systemic change. Social media amplifies these voices but also fuels online abuse. Meanwhile, government reports, such as the 2021 Sewell Report , which denied institutional racism, fuelled controversy, illustrating the ongoing debates over whether racism is structural or anecdotal. The rise of right-wing populism intensifies these challenges. Reform UK has grown rapidly, drawing on nationalist and anti-immigration rhetoric. In September 2025, a large anti-migrant march in London drew significant participation, with some attendees clashing with the police. The event illustrated how xenophobic sentiment can escalate into conflict. Hate crime figures underscore the consequences of normalising xenophobia: in the year ending March 2024, police in England and Wales recorded 140,561 hate crimes, 70% of which were racially motivated. Recent political rhetoric has deepened these challenges. In May 2025, Prime Minister Keir Starmer described “uncontrolled” migration as having caused “incalculable” harm to British society. His remarks sparked condemnation from anti-racism groups, including the Black Equity Organisation and the Muslim Council of Britain, who warned that such language undermines the dignity and safety of minority communities. Starmer later softened his comments, but the episode highlighted the tightrope political leaders walk between addressing immigration concerns and maintaining trust among minority voters. Sociologist Gary Younge observes that the resurgence of racist and xenophobic sentiment, amplified by figures such as Tommy Robinson and fuelled by social media, reflects a wider global trend. If left unchecked, this normalisation of xenophobia risks deepening divisions and undermining decades of progress. The Race Relations Act 1965 was a start, not an endpoint. True progress requires equity in opportunities, fair policing, representation at decision-making levels, and closing outcome gaps. CARD’s influence reminds us that advocacy is crucial. Law alone cannot dismantle structural racism. Solidarity across communities and sustained pressure on institutions are essential. Reflecting on six decades of progress, it is clear that while legislation has evolved, the journey toward racial equality continues. The legacy of the Race Relations Act is not just historical. Sixty years on, the question is not just how far we have come, but how much further we must go and what it will take to get there. Upholding fairness, justice, and inclusion requires commitment, courage, and collective responsibility. The ongoing rise in hate crimes linked to xenophobia highlights the urgent need to maintain vigilance and reinforce solidarity. Strategic advocacy and collective action, as CARD demonstrated, can turn legal frameworks into meaningful social change. The fight for racial equality is far from over. Progress is fragile, and gains can be challenged. Without renewed commitment from politicians, institutions, and society at large, the dangers of normalising xenophobia, both online and offline, threaten the safety, dignity, and rights of ethnic minority communities. The lessons of the past sixty years are clear. Legislation matters, activism matters, but unity and vigilance matter most. Sources https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-56585538 https://www.ibhm-uk.org/post/the-campaign-against-racial-discrimination-britain-s-civil-rights-experiment https://folukeafrica.com/what-is-there-to-celebrate-60-years-after-the-passing-of-the-race-relations-act-1965/ https://www.cps.gov.uk/cps/news/racial-and-religious-based-offences-drive-increase-hate-crime-cases https://longreads.politicshome.com/truth-lies-and-racism-the-story-behind-the-sewell-report https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2025/may/18/labour-faces-watershed-moment-in-relationship-with-black-and-asian-voters https://www.ethnicity-facts-figures.service.gov.uk/work-pay-and-benefits/unemployment-and-economic-inactivity/unemployment/latest https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2025/may/18/labour-faces-watershed-moment-in-relationship-with-black-and-asian-voters

Angela M explains Black History Month UK and how to celebrate this October. October marks the start of Black History Month UK – a time to celebrate and remember African and Caribbean heritage peoples' achievements and contributions to the British economy, culture, and history. It's a chance to tell the stories of those lesser well-known Black Britons who we will forget if we don't showcase them. What is Black History Month UK? Black History Month UK began in October 1987 by Akyaaba Sebo, a special projects coordinator of the Ethnic Minorities Unit at the now defunct Great London Council. He wanted to boost the self-esteem of Black British children and young adults by educating them on the long history and achievements of Black people living in the UK. Taking inspiration from Black History Month (also known as African American History Month) in the United States. The first event was held on 1 October 1987 at County Hall and was attended by American historian Dr. Maulana Karenga, who founded the African American holiday of Kwanzaa; and Kenyan women’s activist Wanjiru Kihoro. It has since evolved into a national movement recognised by the British government and observed throughout the UK. It is also recognised in other parts of the world during October in Ireland and the Netherlands. In the US, where Black History Month originated, the awareness month is held in February. It is also celebrated in Canada in February too when it was officially recognised in 1995. Since the 1990s, the significance of Black History Month has gradually increased throughout continental Europe and it is now observed in Germany and Belgium in February.  What are the origins of Black History Month? In 1926, African-American historian Carter G Woodson  started national Negro History Week   to advocate for the inclusion of American Black History in the US national public education system. Over time, and with the momentum and support of the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, the week gradually morphed into the month it is today. In 1976, US Black History Month (or African American Month as it’s now regularly referred to) was officially recognised by President Gerald Ford. Why is it celebrated at different times across the globe? After visiting America in the 1970s, Addai-Sebo created a British version of Black History Month in 1987, but they are not officially linked. In the United States, Black History Month takes place in February to coincide with the births of Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln.  Addai-Sebo chose to celebrate Black History Month UK in October because of the month's importance in the African calendar. More importantly, it was the start of the British academic year. Why should we separate Black History Month celebrations in the US and UK? When Black History Month UK started in the UK, there was a big emphasis on African American history. Over time the focus has moved to celebrating and recognising Black British history  and key Black figures in the UK. It’s important also that we focus only on British Black history as the Black British community is a composite of peoples with different cultures and identities. Some individuals with a lineage beginning long before the Windrush generation and others with distinct and very different cultures rooted in the African and Caribbean continents. Why do we celebrate Black History Month UK 2025?  This year marks the 60th anniversary of the Race Relations Act in Britain, a landmark law created to outlaw racial discrimination. Yet six decades later, the UK is once again grappling with social tensions that echo the 1950s and 1960s when the Act was first introduced. Today’s Britain is more diverse, with stronger legal protections and greater representation, but divisive rhetoric around immigration and warnings of unrest feel like unsettling reminders of the past.   In July 2025, The Guardian  reported on research by the thinktank British Future and the Belong Network which warned that, a year on from last summer’s riots, Britain could face renewed unrest unless urgent action is taken to tackle polarisation and division. These concerns have been fuelled further by political rhetoric. Keir Starmer’s claim that “uncontrolled” migration caused “incalculable” harm drew sharp criticism from civil rights groups including the Black Equity Organisation and the Muslim Council of Britain, who warned that such language erodes trust and fuels racism.   All of this shows why Black History Month 2025 carries such weight. It is not only a time to honour the contributions and achievements of Black Britons past and present but also an opportunity to confront the inequalities and prejudices that persist today.   Black History Month UK reminds us that our history is shared, and it must be told in full. It is a chance to celebrate resilience and excellence while recommitting ourselves to the ongoing fight for racial justice, equality and inclusion. Do we really need Black History Month UK?  Some campaigners argue against the existence and usefulness of the month as they believe it marginalizes UK Black history and that it should, rightly, be remembered all year round. Organisations such as The Black Curriculum  are working hard to address the lack of Black British history in the UK curriculum through campaigning, training teachers, and delivering Black history programmes. While the Black Cultural Archives (BCA) , an archive and heritage centre in Brixton, London, is dedicated to preserving and promoting the histories of African and Caribbean descendants in Britain. But Black History Month UK, like many other national and international events, provides us with an opportunity to remember individuals and events that would never be included in a racially inclusive national curriculum and would remain forgotten to the annals of time. What are the aims of Black History Month in the UK? Celebrate and recognise the achievements of African and Caribbean heritage people's role in helping to shape UK culture, history, and economic development. Educating the UK population on how the relationships between Britain, Africa, the Caribbean, and the United States helped create modern Britain. To encourage government, institutions, and corporations to embrace and adopt equality and diversity policies. What is the theme of Black History Month UK 2025?  Our  theme for Black History Month UK 2025 is ‘Legacies with Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge’ .   2025 marks 60 years since the UK’s first Race Relations Act, a landmark moment in the ongoing journey towards racial justice and equality.   Throughout the month, we will explore key moments in UK history that led to the passing of this historic bill.   We will highlight leading civil rights groups, including the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD), the Black British Panthers, and the Black Parents Movement, who challenged injustice, fought for equality, and helped shape the legislation that followed.   We will also celebrate notable Black Britons such as Jocelyn Barrow, Mollie Hunt, Liz Obi, and Bernard Coard.   We encourage the UK Black community to commemorate the month by sharing their own family histories using the hashtag #bhmfamilies How can I celebrate Black History Month UK 2025? Black History Month is an excellent opportunity for people from all backgrounds to educate themselves on Black Britain’s history and the often-overlooked people who have made a difference to the country. There are a variety of ways you can observe the month: Attend any of the hundreds of events taking place up and down the country to commemorate Black History Month. Show your support online by sharing our Black History Month UK post on your social media channel during the month. Take on the #BHMFamilies  selfie challenge  Why not watch our '10 ways to celebrate Black History Month UK’' video for more ideas? How should educational organisations and business corporations recognise the month? The theme of Black History Month UK 2025 is ‘Legacies with Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge,’  and we advise any schools and colleges interested in exploring the topic in greater detail to visit The Black Curriculum website or attend Black Cultural Archive (BCA) , which have an extensive range of educational resources relating to the theme. We encourage business corporations to provide a safe space for all individuals who wish to commemorate the month in which stories can be shared – personal experiences and/or inspiring stories. But to also remember that not everybody may want to be involved in your Black History Month planning simply because of their ethnic background. Such assumptions place the burden of responsibility on them, and if they’re a visible minority in your workplace, they might feel tokenized about their role in your workplace. Remember, for best results, you should be recognizing all your employees, all year round!  Companies are also advised to run a diversity and inclusion audit of their business – and perhaps book a Black keynote speaker to provide advice on making their workplaces more racially inclusive.  Who is the International Black History Month UK (IBHM-UK) organisation? The International Black History Month UK (IBHM-UK) was created in June 2020 by a group of Black Britons with a passion for investigating and curating the hidden and forgotten stories of Britain’s black past. We’re committed to raising the profile of the month amongst the African, Caribbean and Black British community in the UK. As one of our young volunteer interns explains: “Neither my primary or secondary schools celebrated Black History Month UK and I had to learn about UK Black History myself. So, I think it’s important that an organisation like this exists to fill the gaps in knowledge that many people in the UK’s African and Caribbean community may have about Britain’s black past. Our community is not a monolith, and we all have different lived experiences. BHMUK allows us all to reflect and celebrate on all the different aspects of British Black history from finding out about awe inspiring individuals like Dr Harold Moody and John Blanke to the legislative changes in UK law championed by the Windrush generation." For too long, Black History Month UK has lacked direction and focus. We decided to step into that space to ensure that this important month has a clear message and theme. Our CEO, Angela says: “I have a young son who was tasked with choosing a notable Black Briton for a school assignment and I was shocked to learn that the only resources available was a listings website with poorly researched articles and filled to the brim with job adverts. We set up this organisation to ensure that quality information and free resources are available to everyone who wants to learn about UK Black History. And more importantly, that the stories of Black Britons are told in an authentic voice that belongs to us and not someone masquerading as one of us!“ We are a local community group that provides free resources on UK Black History and hope to run themed Black UK history events in 2025 and beyond.

There are lots of creative ways your school can recognise Black History Month UK beyond school assemblies and we've come up with a few ideas. Black History Month UK is an opportunity to ensure that all young people, no matter their background, learn about the contributions of Black Britons to UK History. As David Olusoga said:“this is our national story, this is British history, it belongs to all of us.” 1. Here's how your school can participate in this year's Black History Month UK Take part in our Legacies of Change: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge campaign by getting your classes to research and create a visual installation using the four individuals from this year's campaign: Jocelyn Barrow, Liz Obi, Bernard Coard , and Mollie Hunt or examining three pivotal moments in the UK Black History Timeline: Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) , British Black Panthers and the Black Parents Movement. For young children, you may want to look at Black Britons from different time periods and we suggest you check out our Black to the Past and Before Windrush campaigns for inspiration. We’re encouraging all schools and colleges to send us a picture or video of your installations by tagging us on any of our social media sites. 2. Try our #BHMFamilies selfie challenge Get your pupils to bring in a picture or item that reflects a family tradition and use this as a talking point to discuss the contributions of Black Britons to UK history and culture. You could explore cultural events such as the Notting Hill Carnival and why it started; explore how the British diet has changed over the years with the introduction of new foods like Jollof Rice and Jerk Chicken; and the British music scene by exploring new musical genres such as Lovers Rock, Jungle, and Grime. 3. Take part in our #BHMLandmarks challenge You could organise a class trip to explore your locality to take a picture of statues and plaques that recognise the achievements of African and Caribbean heritage people in the UK. You can find information on the whereabouts of statues and plaques on the websites of Nubian Jak and the English Heritage or the Black London: History, Arts & Culture book . Post your pictures with the hashtag #bhmlandmarks and tag us on any of our social media accounts. 4. Virtually visit the Black Cultural Archives (BCA) and explore key events in British History The Black Cultural Archives has lots of resources covering different time periods in British history including Black Abolitionists in Georgian London, Victorian Britons of African heritage whose work significantly impacted the arts, science and technology, and the Windrush generations who campaigned for legislative change that transformed the lives of all British migrants. 5. Turn your classroom into a living museum to celebrate the lives of past and living Black Britons Have your students choose a notable Black British pioneer they'd like to know more about, such as Georgian writer Ignatius Sancho , Victorian circus owner Pablo Fanque , Henry VIII's trumpeter John Blanke , or Dr Harold Moody who campaigned against racism in Edwardian Britain and provided free medical care to the poorer members of his local community before the establishment of NHS. Then using their research, have them create a living museum in your classroom. They can create posters and do presentations to show what they've learned through their research. Our website is a great way to start your research or you can review resources from the Black Curriculm , Young Historians Project , BCA , Museum of London , BBC bitesize , The National Archives, and Yorkshire Museum . 6. Remember that UK Black History isn't confined to a month At its core, Black History Month UK is about celebrating and recognising the contributions of Britons left out of mainstream UK history. We advise that you avoid emotive subjects like the Atlantic Slave Trade (perhaps tackle the topic during August when International Slavery Remembrance Day is marked) and focus on British rather than African American History during the month. We hope that you choose to participate in any of the activities we've suggested for your school to carry out during Black History Month UK. But do remember this month is also an opportunity for educators to start diversifying the curriculum for the rest of the academic year. Teachers can make sure that all disabilities, ethnicities and social classes are represented in reading materials and artwork in all subjects all year round. Happy Black History Month UK!

Bernard Coard is a Grenadian-born educator whose pioneering work in the UK exposed systemic racism in the British education system. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, as a teacher and youth worker in London, Coard highlighted the disproportionate placement of Black Caribbean children into “Educationally Sub-Normal” (ESN) schools and provided the evidence that communities and parents needed to challenge this injustice. His research became a cornerstone for the Black Parents Movement and influenced significant reforms in anti-racist and multicultural education policies. Bernard Coard was born on 10 August 1944 in Victoria, Grenada. He attended Grenada Boys’ Secondary School, where he developed an early interest in politics, social justice, and community activism. He went on to study sociology and economics at Brandeis University in the United States before moving to the UK in 1967 to study political economy at the University of Sussex. While living in London, he married Phyllis Coard and began working as a teacher and youth organiser, laying the foundation for his advocacy against racial discrimination in schools. Between 1967 and 1971, Coard worked in schools and youth clubs across South London. His firsthand experience revealed widespread institutional racism. IQ testing and teacher referrals were being used to place disproportionate numbers of Black Caribbean children into ESN schools, originally designed for pupils with severe learning difficulties. This practice limited the children’s educational opportunities and affected their long-term social mobility. In 1971, Coard published his influential pamphlet, How the West Indian Child Is Made Educationally Sub-normal in the British School System . The work revealed that schools, local education authorities, and psychologists often mislabelled West Indian children due to racial bias rather than ability. Coard wrote: “The children are therefore made neurotic about their race and culture. Some become behaviour problems as a result. They become resentful and bitter at being told their language is second-rate, and their history and culture is non-existent.” The pamphlet made this evidence accessible to parents and community organisations, sparking mass mobilisation and enabling the Black Parents Movement to campaign against discriminatory practices and demand systemic change. Coard’s research provided the Black Parents Movement and other grassroots organisations with the evidence needed to challenge racism in schools. Groups such as the Caribbean Parents Group and supplementary school initiatives drew on his analysis to develop curricula, organise advocacy campaigns, and support parents in navigating the education system. His work also influenced national policy. The 1985 Swann Report confirmed the structural barriers faced by Black students, challenged racist myths about intelligence, and informed anti-racist and multicultural educational policies in the UK. Coard’s findings continue to underpin efforts to address inequalities and promote inclusive education. Bernard Coard’s work remains central to understanding and combating racism in education. By exposing the mechanisms that disadvantaged Black Caribbean children, he enabled parents, educators, and community organisations to take action and advocate for equality. His research continues to inspire educators, activists, and policymakers committed to ensuring that all children have access to a fair and inclusive education. Further reading: Coard, Bernard. How the West Indian Child Is Made Educationally Sub-normal in the British School System , 1971 BBC One. Subnormal: A British Scandal , 2021

Educational Psychologist, Community Activist, and Founder of the Caribbean Parents Group Mollie Hunte at a social gathering (1980s) - © London Metropolitan Archives, City of London, from the Mollie Hunte collection Mollie Hunte was one of the most influential voices in the Black Education Movement in Britain. As an educational psychologist, campaigner, and community leader, she worked tirelessly to challenge racism in schools and to give Black children and their families the tools to succeed. From the 1960s through to the 1990s, Mollie helped to shape a generation of parents and teachers who demanded fair treatment for Black pupils. Through her leadership in groups such as the Caribbean Parents Group, she ensured that Black families were no longer silent in the face of educational inequality. Mollie was born in British Guiana (now Guyana) in 1932. She began her career as a teacher in Georgetown before moving to London in 1961. Determined to continue her studies, she worked in schools while studying part time for over a decade, eventually earning degrees in psychology, sociology, and child development. By 1980, she had completed her MSc in Child Development and Educational Psychology at the University of East London. Alongside her studies, she was already deeply involved in community education work. In the 1970s and 80s, Black children in Britain were often unfairly labelled as “educationally sub-normal” and sent to special schools that limited their opportunities. Mollie challenged this discriminatory practice directly. As an educational psychologist in Brent and Ealing, she ensured that assessments of Black children were carried out fairly and campaigned against biased IQ testing. She also worked closely with parents, explaining how systemic racism operated in the school system and how they could advocate for their children. In 1975 Mollie co-founded the Caribbean Parents Group (CPG) in Ealing. The group emerged in response to the local council’s policy of bussing Black and Asian children out of their neighbourhood schools, a practice designed to limit the number of “immigrant” children in any one classroom. The CPG became a powerful voice for parents, organising regular meetings, conferences, and reports. Its Supplementary School provided Black children with lessons in culture and heritage that mainstream schools ignored, while also boosting academic achievement. Later, the group launched the Caribbean Parents Credit Union to give families greater financial independence and stability. Mollie did not stop with the CPG. She co-founded the Westphi Academy in 1990, which offered training for teachers, governors, and childcare professionals, with a strong focus on working effectively with Black children and parents. In 1989 she established PEV Consultancy, providing assessments, tutoring, training, and psychological support for children and adults who were often overlooked by mainstream services. She was also a member of the Afro-Caribbean Education Resource (ACER), founded by historian Len Garrison, which created teaching materials that reflected the lives and histories of African, Caribbean, and Asian students. Mollie Hunte’s legacy lies in the many children she helped to keep out of discriminatory school placements, the parents she empowered to speak up, and the organisations she built that continue to inspire community activism today. She proved that education could be a site of resistance as well as opportunity. Mollie’s work connected families, schools, and communities in the shared fight for justice and equality. Her archives, held at the London Metropolitan Archives, remain a vital resource for understanding the struggles and achievements of the Black Education Movement in Britain. For more information on Mollie Hunte’s life and the Mollie Hunte Collection, visit the London Metropolitan Archives. Source: https://www.bps.org.uk/history-psychology-centre/exhibition-mollie-hunte https://womenshistorynetwork.org/mollie-hunte-1932-2015-educator-psychologist-and-champion-of-caribbean-people-by-rebecca-adams/

On Friday 15 August, a historic billboard was unveiled on Ladbroke Grove to honour Kelso Cochrane, an Antiguan-born carpenter whose racially motivated murder in 1959 became a turning point in Black British history and helped pave the way for the creation of Notting Hill Carnival. The initiative was led by Black history educator Kayne Kawasaki in partnership with BlackHistoryandme . Earlier this year, Kawasaki launched a GoFundMe campaign to raise funds for what he calls the “Notting Hill Carnival Billboard Takeover” , designed to highlight Carnival’s founding figures and ensure its roots are never forgotten. Cochrane, who was just 32 at the time of his death, was attacked by white youths on Southam Street in Notting Hill on 17 May 1959. His murder remains unsolved to this day. The shock and injustice of his killing became a catalyst for community organising and directly contributed to the establishment of Notting Hill Carnival, a celebration born out of both grief and resistance. The new billboard is located at the Sainsbury’s roundabout on Ladbroke Grove, one of the busiest points on the Carnival route. It displays a striking image of Cochrane alongside a powerful quote from the late activist Darcus Howe: “If there weren’t race riots in Notting Hill I don’t believe that we would have had the Notting Hill Carnival. If it wasn’t for the murder of Kelso Cochrane, Carnival wouldn’t have happened.” In an interview with The Voice  newspaper earlier this year, Kawasaki explained that the idea stemmed from the annual online debates about Carnival losing touch with its history. “If we continue on that trajectory, we risk losing not only the importance of Notting Hill Carnival, we risk losing Notting Hill Carnival itself. Rather than just talking about it, I wanted to walk the walk.” More than 100 people attended the unveiling, including members of Kelso Cochrane’s family who also addressed the crowd. The event was a vibrant celebration of Caribbean culture, with live steelpan music, a performance by Calypsonian Alexander D. Great , and food from local vendors such as Flake Bake Patties and PureCane Juice. It was realised through a collaboration with Acexchange , an organisation powered by British professional boxer Anthony Joshua. Kawasaki’s campaign quickly captured public imagination. He secured the £2,000 billboard space in just a day and a half through donations, after initially borrowing the money from his mother to lock in the site. He has since revealed bigger ambitions, including bus shelter takeovers and a long-term goal of a Westfield White City billboard dedicated to Carnival’s history. “Notting Hill Carnival is a story with many authors. This billboard is just the beginning. As we go forward, I want to make sure all the founding figures are honoured.” The billboard will remain in place for two weeks, from 15 to 26 August, throughout the Carnival period. Visitors are encouraged to stop by, take photos, and share them on social media to help raise awareness of Carnival’s origins and the legacy of Kelso Cochrane. This unveiling comes at a crucial moment, as Notting Hill Carnival continues to face negative media scrutiny each year. By reclaiming the narrative, the campaign ensures that Carnival’s true roots in resilience, resistance and cultural pride remain firmly in the public eye. Congratulations to Kayne Kawasaki, everyone who donated, and the family of Kelso Cochrane for making this historic moment possible.

Reverend Clive Foster MBE has been appointed as the UK’s first Windrush Commissioner. This marks a significant step in the government’s commitment to rectify the injustices of the Windrush scandal. It ensures that victims' voices are heard at every stage of reform. The announcement comes just ahead of Windrush Day on 22 June. This day commemorates 77 years since the arrival of HMT Empire Windrush and celebrates the extraordinary contributions of the Windrush generation to Britain. A New Independent Role for Change The Windrush Commissioner is a new, independent role created to oversee the government’s response to the scandal. Reverend Foster will serve a three-year term, working three days a week. His primary responsibility will be to hold the government accountable, especially regarding the Windrush Compensation Scheme. He will ensure that the promised cultural and systemic changes are implemented across Whitehall. “I’m honoured to take on the role,” said Reverend Foster. “Justice must be delivered — not just in words but through real, visible change. The Windrush generations gave so much to this country and deserve better than the treatment they received.” A Personal Connection to the Windrush Story Reverend Foster is a senior pastor at Pilgrim Church in Nottingham. He is a long-time community leader, campaigner, and the founder of the Nottingham Windrush Support Forum. His parents migrated from Jamaica in 1959, giving him direct ties to the Windrush generation. He also serves as Vice Chair of the Windrush National Organisation. “The injustices faced by the Windrush generations must never be repeated,” he said. “That means action, accountability, and reform. I will carry out this role independently and ensure scrutiny leads to real improvement.” Government Response Under Pressure The Windrush scandal came to light in 2018. It revealed that hundreds of long-settled Commonwealth citizens had been wrongly detained, deported, or denied access to work, housing, and healthcare. Despite being invited to Britain legally between 1948 and 1971, many were unable to prove their status due to a lack of official documentation. The consequences were devastating. People lost their homes, jobs, healthcare access, and, in some cases, their liberty. The government’s response, particularly the Windrush Compensation Scheme, has faced criticism for being slow, bureaucratic, and inadequate. Campaigners have long called for an independent process, noting that at least 64 claimants have died before receiving any compensation. Rebuilding Trust, Delivering Justice The new Labour government has pledged to expedite justice for victims of the Windrush scandal. They aim to ensure that the mistakes of the past are never repeated, as outlined in their election manifesto. Alongside Reverend Foster’s appointment, they have re-established the Windrush Unit and committed £1.5 million in new funding to assist individuals in navigating the compensation process. Home Secretary Yvette Cooper stated, “The Windrush generations are part of the fabric of our nation. This government is absolutely determined to right the wrongs they suffered. I’m delighted to welcome Reverend Clive Foster as our Windrush Commissioner. His lived experience, deep community roots, and dedication to justice make him the right person to lead this work.” A Role to Honour and Celebrate While focused on securing justice, Reverend Foster also sees this role as an opportunity to honour the Windrush legacy. “The Windrush generations should not be defined by a scandal,” he said. “They should be recognised for their strength, resilience, and incredible contributions to the UK. Now is the time to celebrate and uplift that story.” The Importance of the Windrush Legacy The Windrush generation has played a pivotal role in shaping modern Britain. Their contributions span various sectors, including healthcare, education, and the arts. Recognising their impact is essential for fostering a more inclusive society. Celebrating Contributions The achievements of the Windrush generation deserve recognition. From the NHS to the arts, their influence is profound. Celebrating these contributions can help heal the wounds of the past and promote unity. Moving Forward Together As the UK moves forward, it is crucial to learn from the Windrush scandal. Ensuring that such injustices do not occur again requires collective effort. It involves listening to the voices of those affected and implementing meaningful reforms. Conclusion Reverend Clive Foster's appointment as the Windrush Commissioner is a significant step towards justice and accountability. It represents a commitment to honouring the Windrush legacy and ensuring that the contributions of this generation are celebrated. The journey towards healing and recognition is ongoing, but with dedicated individuals like Reverend Foster at the helm, there is hope for a brighter future. Photo Credit: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/reverend-clive-foster-appointed-as-first-windrush-commissioner

Marion Patrick Jones (also known by her married names Marion Glean and later Marion O'Callaghan) was born in 1934 in the middle-class suburb of Woodbrook in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago. Woodbrook was a diverse, multi-racial area, home to families with education or skilled trades, many of whom aspired to emulate British social norms. Her father, Patrick Jones, was of Chinese and mixed African-European heritage, was a leading Trinidadian trade unionist, as well as a renowned calypsonian and Carnival bandleader. He was known as “Cromwell, the Lord Protector,” and is credited with singing the first political calypso song in 1920. Like many aspirational families in Woodbrook, Marion was sent to a reputable Christian school. She attended St Joseph’s Convent School – an exclusive Roman Catholic girls’ school run by Irish nuns - where she won the Girls’ Open Island Scholarship in 1950. She ranked third among all candidates across the West Indies and became one of the first two women admitted to the Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture in St Augustine (now part of the University of the West Indies). After graduation, she travelled to New York City to pursue further studies, earning a diploma in Library Science. To support her education, she worked in a ceramics factory painting pottery and became involved in labour organising, helping to establish a trade union with Manny Spiro. Upon returning to Trinidad, she qualified as a chartered librarian and served as Senior Librarian at the Carnegie Library in San Fernando. During this time, she also joined the Friends of Quakers movement and did welfare work for the blind. In 1962, she moved to Britain to continue her education, earning a BSc degree from the University of London. She later completed postgraduate studies in Social Anthropology at the London School of Economics, writing her thesis on a subject close to her heart - the Chinese community in Trinidad. While studying for her master’s, she worked as a secretary to the Quaker International Affairs Centre in London. Marion (known as Marion Glean while residing in Britain) was a committed pacifist and Quaker. She played a prominent role in the Black community and contributed to key debates on race and post-colonial politics. In the run-up to the 1964 UK general election, she was involved in producing a series of statements on race, published in Peace News by editor Theodore Roszak. As Kalbir Shukra notes in The Changing Pattern of Black Politics in Britain (1998): “After the election, Glean brought together Alan Lovell and Michael Randle – pacifists and former members of the Committee of 100 - with other friends who had written for Peace News, including Ranjana Ash (an active member of the Movement for Colonial Freedom), Trinidadian historian and writer C. L. R. James, and Barry Reckord (Caribbean playwright and actor).” Initially, they formed a debating group called Multi-Racial Britain, but Martin Luther King’s visit to London in December 1964 inspired them to expand their efforts. They used King’s presence and influence to engage a broader audience. That year, King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his non-violent struggle for civil rights in the United States. Before travelling to Norway to accept the award, he visited the UK to preach at St Paul’s Cathedral and meet civil rights activists. US Civil Rights activist Bayard Rustin, responsible for organising King’s visit to the UK, was put in contact with Glean to help coordinate the tour. Together, they arranged for King to meet local immigrant activists and promote anti-discrimination legislation in Britain. On Monday 7 th  December King met with activists at Hilton Hotel in London for hour and a half. Those present included Dr David Pitt and representatives from: London Region of Standing Conference of West Indian Organisations, West Indian Student Union, the British Caribbean Association, Anti-Apartheid, the National Federation of Pakistan Association, Council of African Organisations, Southall Indian Workers Association, the CND, the Committee of 100 and the Movement for Colonial Freedom. An ad hoc committee was formed at this meeting, serving as a “nucleus for an umbrella organisation to coordinate the anti-discrimination efforts of organisations in the immigrant communities.” This group formally adopted the name Campaign for Racial Discrimination (CARD) at a follow-up meeting on the 10th January 1965. In The Guardian  newspaper, published on 12 th December 1964, Glean described the movement as “not a coloured front vis-à-vis the rest.” Although most CARD members were Black (a political term used at the time to describe people of colour from the Commonwealth), Dr David Pitt served as chair. White liberals also came to play a significant role in CARD’s subsequent campaigns. For four years, it was an effective – though later controversially moderate – influence behind Harold Wilson’s Labour government and its promotion of American-style civil rights and anti-discrimination legislation. By 1965, Marion had divorced and remarried, was now known as Marion O’Callaghan, and was living and working in Paris. She worked as Director of Social Science Programmes for UNESCO, overseeing their anti-apartheid programme from 1965 to 1990. During this time, she began her writing career, publishing two novels in the 1970s under her maiden name, Marion Patrick Jones. Her first novel, Pan Beat (1973), explored steelband culture and the role of women in its development. Her second, J’Ouvert Morning (1976), examined middle-class struggles in a society with a colonial legacy. Lloyd W. Brown commented on her work: "In spite of the soap operatic quality of her narrative materials, Jones's novels succeed as riveting documents of a troubled society in a state of transition. ...despite Jones's melodramatic tendencies, the characters are vividly drawn and the language especially in  J'Ouvert Morning  - is original and invigorating." While Jennifer Rahim said, “The author's invaluable contribution to the region's literature is her sensitive analysis of the Trinidadian urban middle class, as it strives to escape poverty and anonymity.” Writing by Jones appears in such collections as Her True-True Name: An Anthology of Women's Writing from the Caribbean  (eds Pamela Mordecai and Betty Wilson, 1989), Caribbean Women Writers: Essays from the First International Conference (ed. Selwyn R Cudjoe, 1990), and Daughters of Africa: An International Anthology of Words and Writings by Women of African Descent (ed. Margaret Busby, 1992). After retiring from UNESCO in 1990, she returned to live Trinidad with her husband Maurice O'Callaghan. There, she continued to write, contributing a weekly commentary column for the Trinidad and Tobago Newsday newspaper. Marion O’Callaghan died aged 84 at her home in Port of Spain on 2 March 2016.   Source: https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/The_Changing_Pattern_of_Black_Politics_i/vccqIjs0GfAC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22marion+glean%22&pg=PA20&printsec=frontcover https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2014/dec/12/martin-luther-king-dr-uk-visit-1948 https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/Special_Relations/l8xT0epJ5OoC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=marion+glean&pg=PA173&printsec=frontcover https://www.stpauls.co.uk/visit-from-martin-luther-king https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2014/dec/02/martin-luther-king-in-london-1964-reflections-on-a-landmark-visit#:~:text=He%20spoke%20of%20the%20iniquity,but%20behaviour%20can%20be%20regulated . https://www.womeninpeace.org/j-names/2017/8/1/marion-patrick-jones https://www.wikiwand.com/en/articles/Marion_Patrick_Jones https://www.encyclopedia.com/education/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/jones-marion-patrick

As Britain contends with the fallout from the Bradford riots, Labour’s strategic shift to the right — aimed at regaining disillusioned working-class voters — has sparked fierce debate. The return of Nigel Farage, now buoyed by Reform UK’s rising popularity, has once again thrust immigration to the forefront of national politics. But this isn’t new. Revisiting Smethwick: A Critical Moment in British Politics In this blog post, we explore our Windrush timeline to revisit the 1964 General Election, when a bitter campaign in a small West Midlands town became a defining moment in modern British race relations. The Smethwick election of that year is still remembered as one of the most openly racist political contests in British history. The Context of the 1964 Election Sixty years ago, immigration — then as now — acted as a lightning rod for deeper economic and social anxieties. Smethwick, a modest town on the edge of the Black Country, became the epicentre of a backlash rooted in fear, fuelled by demographic change. Political opportunists cynically exploited this situation. What unfolded in Smethwick uncannily mirrors the political theatre of today: culture wars masquerading as policy debates, race standing in for class, and populism dressed as patriotism. A Snapshot of a Divided Town In 1964, Smethwick was a working-class constituency with a proud industrial past and a growing immigrant population, particularly from the Caribbean and the Indian subcontinent. Similar demographic shifts were also taking place in cities like London, Birmingham, and Manchester. Yet, Smethwick came to symbolise Britain’s racial fault lines. The sitting MP, Labour’s Patrick Gordon Walker — a well-educated former Commonwealth Secretary — had held the seat since 1945. Despite a national swing toward Labour that year, Smethwick bucked the trend. He was defeated — and not narrowly — by Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths. Griffiths was a grammar school-educated populist whose campaign became one of the most infamous in British political history. The Slogan That Shamed a Nation Posters emerged bearing the now-notorious slogan: “If you want a n** r for a neighbour, vote Labour.” Griffiths denied authoring or endorsing this slogan, claiming it was the work of far-right extremists. However, he refused to condemn it — and, in doing so, politically benefitted. The swing to the Conservatives in Smethwick was 7.2%, compared to a national 3.5% swing toward Labour. This wasn’t just about prejudice. It was a calculated strategy. The Conservatives, eager to claw back working-class support, had found a wedge issue: immigration. Much like Farage’s dog-whistle politics today, race became a proxy for economic insecurity and cultural change. Labour — similar to now — appeared either ill-equipped or unwilling to push back effectively. Economic Underpinnings of the Backlash It is essential to recognize that Smethwick’s story was about more than just racism. The 1960s were marked by economic decline, rising unemployment, and a growing sense that the post-war consensus was unraveling. Deindustrialisation loomed. Living standards were under pressure from pay freezes, inflation, and devaluation. Industrial unrest surged. In Place of Strife , Labour’s failed attempt to curb union power became a byword for political ineptitude. Lightning strikes paralysed key industries, resulting in more working days lost than at any time since the General Strike of 1926. This backdrop fuelled a nationwide mood of anxiety and discontent. Immigration as a Scapegoat Within this climate of insecurity, immigration became a scapegoat. Housing was scarce, and jobs were no longer guaranteed. For many in places like Smethwick, the fear wasn’t of “foreigners” per se; it was the belief that hard-won rights and resources were slipping away. Framing this solely as a matter of race risks overlooking deeper unease about fairness, class, and national decline. Contemporary surveys support this view. The Rose Report (late 1960s) found that 73% of the British public were either tolerant or leaning towards tolerance of immigrants. Immigrants were not the cause of Britain’s post-war challenges. They became the most visible symbol of change and the most convenient to blame. Then, as now, the immigration debate often conceals a deeper fear: that the social fabric is unraveling and no one is listening. From Powell to Farage: The Racialisation of Class Discontent Griffiths’ victory foreshadowed Enoch Powell’s “Rivers of Blood” speech just four years later, a moment that propelled racialised political rhetoric to the national stage. Today, Nigel Farage picks up that torch, albeit in the language of “control,” “integration,” and “pressure on services.” It is no coincidence that Labour now tailors its messages to appeal to Reform UK voters, invoking “common sense” and “pragmatic” border policies. This isn't merely a repetition of Smethwick — but it certainly rhymes. Although the slogans may have disappeared and the language may be more polite, the dynamic remains familiar: race and migration weaponised in a struggle for the soul of the working class. Why Revisiting Smethwick Matters Smethwick serves as a cautionary tale. When mainstream parties fail to challenge racism directly — or worse, co-opt its logic for electoral strategy — the consequences endure. What happened in 1964 shaped how race and immigration would be politicised in the UK for decades. Today’s Labour Party is still wrestling with its ideological identity and could do well to heed this history. The media also plays a role, often simplifying complex debates into binary positions — pro-immigration versus anti — while ignoring the structural failures that feed resentment. Revisiting Smethwick isn’t about nostalgia or blame. It is about making choices. It reminds us that immigration will always be debated — but how it is debated, and whose voices are included, will shape the country’s future. Smethwick is significant not just because of what was said or who won. It marked a turning point — the moment British politics first openly exploited racial anxiety for political gain. This showed just how effective that strategy could be when combined with economic hardship and social unrest. However, Smethwick also cautions against oversimplification. Yes, racism was present. But so were issues of housing, wages, community, and identity — the complicated, lived experiences of people struggling to adapt to change. The Need for Nuance in Political Discourse We must remember this lesson today. Condemning voters, or reducing national conversations to “tolerant” versus “racist,” risks missing the nuance altogether. Unless we confront the real causes of disaffection — and resist the temptation to respond to complex questions with slogans and scapegoats — we risk becoming trapped in a cycle of political déjà vu. Revisiting the past requires us to learn from it. Only then can we hope to respond more effectively to the challenges our society faces, including those related to immigration and communal harmony.

Channel 4 has announced the commission of Big Age , a 1 x 30’ refreshing new comedy pilot written by acclaimed writer Bolu Babalola ( Love in Colour ) and produced by Tiger Aspect ( Man Like Mobeen, Hitmen). The vivacious show will air as part of Channel 4’s Black to Front day on Friday 10 September 2021. Big Age follows a group of four young Black-British friends who are in the ‘big age’ era of their lives. With a backdrop of parental expectation, personal dreams and the crushing reality of maxed out credit cards and with the Nigerian phrase ’at your big age!’ ringing in their ears; it’s a quipped admonition that can be both loving and mocking, both commanding and encouraging - it is about growing up, stretching up, stepping up. Bolu Babalola, the creator of this distinctive and inspiringly funny show, is a British-Nigerian woman with a misleading bachelor's degree in law, a master's degree in American Politics & History from UCL where her thesis was on Beyoncé's "Lemonade"; she was awarded a distinction for it. So essentially, she has a master's degree in Beyoncé. She is the author of the New York Times and Times Best-Selling anthology Love In Colour, and a self-coined "romcomoisseur". Bolu writes stories of dynamic women with distinct voices who love and are loved audaciously. In the pilot, Ronkẹ Adékoluẹjo ( Alex Rider, Been So Long ) plays our protagonist Ṣadé who has just turned 25, or twenty-thrive – she’s unashamedly ambitious, fierce but has moments of spiralling (yet hilarious) insecurity. Ṣadé dreams of being a writer. Dela is Ṣade’s best friend, played by Racheal Ofori ( Sliced, Treadstone ) – she’s an artist who prefers to ‘go where her soul flows’ and is a free-spirited, sexually liberated, social justice warrior who would do anything for her friend. She’s also secretly a very middle-class private school kid who never used to “see colour” (something she is secretly deeply ashamed of). Michael Workeye ( Brothers, Sitting in Limbo ) plays Zeke, Ṣadé’s unrequited love – a slick-talker and player, full of easy charm and charisma. Completing the foursome is Tayo, played by CJ Beckford ( I Am Danielle, Sitting in Limbo ), the dry humoured grounding force of the group who seemingly has his life on track. Bolu Babalola said : “It is quite literally a dream come true to have the opportunity to bring Big Age to life with Channel 4. It's been a great joy to develop these characters and this world over the years, and I am so thrilled that a place that has housed so many of my favourite shows has chosen to help me share it. Ṣadé is a young woman with big dreams and a big heart, and Big Age is a celebration of friendship, ambition with heart, and the connections that propel us forward in newly formulating adulthood. With great thanks to Tiger Aspect and my wonderful producer and creative partner Amy Annette, I cannot wait for the world to meet (and fall in love with) Ṣadé and the gang.” Fiona McDermott, Head of Comedy, Channel 4 said: “ When we first read this script, Ṣadé and Dela just bounced off the page. Funny, contemporary, and surprising characters that have a deliciously moreish, comic energy. We knew we needed to see them come to life. We’re so pleased to be working with Bolu on this, her first scripted project, and beyond thrilled that she and Big Age are part of our Black to Front commitment.” David Simpson, Head of Comedy for Tiger Aspect said: “We’re delighted to be making this pilot for Channel 4. Bolu’s writing is funny, nuanced and wonderfully well observed and she has created a set of characters and a friendship at the heart of this that audiences are going to adore. It is also fantastic to be part of Channel 4's Black to Front event championing Black talent on and off screen. It is so important for broadcasters to make these kinds of meaningful commitments and it has been wonderful to see a cast and crew come together at the heart of this production that are absolutely sensational." Channel 4 will broadcast one complete day of television fronted by Black talent and featuring Black contributors this September. Black to Front will champion Black voices and stories and celebrate the incredible Black talent that make, shape and star in British TV. Black to Front is part of Channel 4’s ongoing commitment as an anti-racist organisation to improve Black representation on and off screen, amplify the conversations around representation and portrayal, and drive long-term change. Black to Front was conceived by commissioning editors Vivienne Molokwu and Shaminder Nahal. It will be led by Deputy Director of Programmes, Kelly Webb-Lamb with Vivienne and Shaminder working across the whole day with Melissa Cousins as Project Coordinator. Head of Creative Diversity Babita Bahal and Director of Commissioning Operations, Emma Hardy are also part of the core team. Big Age will air as part of Black to Front alongside a one-off special of The Big Breakfast fronted by Bafta winning Mo Gilligan and AJ Odudu, a new 4-part reality series Highlife and Countdown, presented by the eminent journalist and broadcaster Sir Trevor McDonald. Additionally, some of Channel 4’s biggest flagship shows will be fronted by Black talent and featuring Black contributors, including Celebrity Gogglebox and Channel 4 News . Hollyoaks will be an hour-long special entirely written, directed and performed by its Black talent. To ensure that Black to Front drives significant and sustainable change within the industry off-screen, Channel 4 is working with The Sir Lenny Henry Centre for Media Diversity to help shape meaningful off-screen commitments to leave a lasting legacy and to ensure we are addressing specific problems in the industry.