It feels strange to realise that before the 1990s, "Black" was a political term proudly claimed by Caribbean, Asian, and African communities. Today, divisions between these communities often seem insurmountable. Yet, when our team began researching UK Black history from the 1950s to the 1970s, it became clear that these diverse groups once worked together. Young Caribbean, African, and Asian youths collaborated to combat racism and fight for equality. While researching our theme for UK Black History Month, Legacies of Action , we were surprised to learn that two of the founding members of the British Black Panther Party were of South Asian descent. Additionally, Black, Asian, and white youths stood side by side against the far-right National Front during the Battle of Lewisham. Pockets of unity still exist today through organisations such as the Society of Black Lawyers , Southall Black Sisters , National Black Police Association (United Kingdom) and and Black History Month Scotland . This is particularly encouraging at a time when the UK seems to be slipping back towards the divisive climate of the 1970s and 1980s. In this blog post, we explore why political Blackness once served as a unifying concept for Black and Asian communities in the UK, why it was abandoned, and why, in the context of rising far-right rhetoric, the principle of collective racial solidarity is urgently needed again. In the 1970s, "political Blackness" emerged as a rallying cry across Britain. It was never about skin tone alone but served as a unifying identity for everyone racialised as non-white. Second-generation Caribbean, African, and South Asian Britons bonded together out of necessity. They provided a collective voice for communities facing hostile policing, exclusion from housing, workplace discrimination, and societal marginalisation. Political Blackness offered strength, visibility, and solidarity at a time when fragmented activism struggled to achieve meaningful change. Political Blackness was never just about skin colour. It was a political identity rooted in shared struggle. It gave Caribbean, African, and South Asian Britons a collective voice at a time when the state and society too often ignored them. Sir Lankan born Briton and editor of the journal Race & Class, Ambalavaner Sivanandan captured it perfectly when he wrote, "Black is the colour of our politics, not the colour of our skins."(1) Young activists came together to challenge police harassment, housing discrimination, workplace exclusion, and far-right violence. When 13 young Black people died in the New Cross Fire in 1981, communities mobilised across racial and cultural lines to demand justice. The power of political Blackness lay in this solidarity, in its ability to turn shared struggle into collective action. It fostered coalitions that amplified voices too often ignored by mainstream society. By the 1990s, however, the banner of political Blackness began to fray. Official categories such as “Black African,” “Black Caribbean,” “Indian,” “Pakistani,” and “Bangladeshi” replaced the umbrella term. While these distinctions helped to recognise specific experiences, they also introduced bureaucratic distance. The broad political identity that had mobilised change became a set of administrative labels. The adoption of the term BAME, widely used by government, institutions, and media, further eroded solidarity. Critics argue these acronyms reduce lived experience to statistics and strip away political consciousness. Internal tensions also contributed to the decline. Some South Asian communities felt erased under the “Black” umbrella while anti-Blackness persisted within certain minority communities. Women’s experiences, intersecting with both racism and sexism, were often overlooked. Younger generations sought recognition of religion, heritage, and personal identity, and broad labels no longer resonated. Over time, the ethos of solidarity weakened, along with the political leverage of racialised communities. The consequences of this decline have been tangible. Divisions exist between Black and Asian groups, and even within the Black community between Africans and Caribbeans. Under David Cameron, the Conservative Party was able to exploit these divides. The 2020s saw a Tory leadership team that appeared more diverse than Labour — the self-proclaimed party of equality — with three female leaders and two of Asian and African heritage, achievements Labour has yet to match. But these “firsts” masked deep divisions within communities. Divided groups are easier to marginalise, creating fertile ground for anti-immigrant rhetoric that thrives when solidarity is weak. Racism intersects with class, gender, religion, and immigration status in ways that isolated activism often misses. In the year ending March 2024, police in England and Wales recorded 140,561 hate crimes — 70% of which were racially motivated. These numbers reflect not just prejudice but the real vulnerability created by fragmentation. (2) Language also reflects and reinforces this divide. Broad terms such as BAME  often fail to inspire connection, while more precise identifiers, when used thoughtfully, can strengthen solidarity. Yet labels alone cannot succeed; they must be accompanied by action, mobilisation, and collective accountability. However, terminology still matters. BAME  has been criticised for being bureaucratic and detached from lived realities. Alternative concepts like “Global Majority” or “racialised communities” aim to be more inclusive, but no label can succeed without activism. Political Blackness succeeded not because of the word itself, but because it provided a banner under which communities could organise, advocate, and demand systemic change. Its legacy is about unity, shared struggle, and collective accountability. Despite the decline of political Blackness, its principles remain visible in contemporary movements. Black Lives Matter UK has reignited debates about anti-Black policing and systemic racism. Anti-deportation campaigns and initiatives seeking justice after Grenfell have united diverse communities in pursuit of common causes. Artists and writers like Osman Yousefzada continue to advocate for “ethnic solidarity” rooted in action rather than symbolic gestures or hashtags (3). These examples show that unity is not nostalgia — it is strategy, an essential tool in resisting systemic injustice. Reviving political Blackness today requires a framework that is intersectional, historically informed, politically grounded, and inclusive yet strategic. It must recognise how race overlaps with gender, class, faith, and immigration status. It must link contemporary struggles to colonial and diaspora histories and focus on dismantling structural inequality rather than symbolic representation. Respecting differences while uniting against shared injustices is essential. Language may evolve, but the ethos of collective action remains timeless. The idea of political Blackness was a very British invention, born from necessity, not theory. Quatz website 2018 Legal protections alone cannot dismantle systemic racism. Grassroots advocacy, coalition building, and shared accountability are vital. Political Blackness once provided a framework for these strategies, and something like it is urgently needed again. Reviving its spirit could counter rising xenophobia, protect vulnerable communities, and amplify marginalised voices. This is not about returning to the past; it is about building solidarity for a future in which racialised communities can stand together — informed by history, empowered by action, and united in the pursuit of justice. The question is not whether political Blackness can return, but whether Britain’s racialised communities have the courage, vision, and commitment to stand together once again. Sources: https://unherd.com/2021/03/the-demise-of-political-blackness/?utm_source=chatgpt.com https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/hate-crime-england-and-wales-year-ending-march-2024/hate-crime-england-and-wales-year-ending-march-2024 https://www.theguardian.com/society/2020/nov/22/osman-yousefzada-designer-and-writer-essay-on-tackling-race-in-britain-identity

The story of the abolitionist movement in Britain often focuses on prominent white advocates like William Wilberforce and Thomas Clarkson. However, central to this movement were Black abolitionists, many of whom were formerly enslaved. At the forefront was a group known as the Sons of Africa , who campaigned tirelessly to end the transatlantic slave trade and improve the lives of people of African descent. Formed in the late 18th century in London, this group included prominent figures like Olaudah Equiano and Ottobah Cugoano, who advocated for freedom, justice, and equality through writings, speeches, and political lobbying. The Sons of Africa played a significant role in shaping British abolitionism, influencing laws and public opinion, and taking part in landmark cases and legislative efforts such as the 1788 Slave Act and the infamous Zong massacre case. The Sons of Africa were a pioneering collective of Black men in Britain, many of whom had endured enslavement firsthand before securing their freedom. Among their leaders, Equiano and Cugoano were vocal and influential figures who used their writings and public advocacy to reveal the brutalities of slavery. They worked to change British public opinion on the transatlantic slave trade, harnessing their own stories and moral authority to challenge racial discrimination and human rights abuses. Through their activism, the Sons of Africa played a central role in the fight for abolition, providing a rare and powerful voice for Black agency in a predominantly white movement. The group operated at a time when racist ideologies were deeply entrenched in British society, and Black individuals were widely seen as inferior. These men, who had lived through the horrors of slavery, offered authentic perspectives that could not be dismissed or ignored. By addressing Parliament, corresponding with powerful abolitionists, and reaching out to the public through writings and lectures, the Sons of Africa created an enduring impact that contributed to the passage of critical legislation and helped shift the social and political landscape in Britain. The group was led by Olaudah Equiano and Ottobah Cugoano , members included Jasper Goree, George Robert Mandeville, James Bailey, William Stevens, Joseph Almaze, Boughwa Gegansmel, Cojoh Ammere, and several others. One of the most significant achievements of the Sons of Africa was their role in lobbying for the passage of the 1788 Slave Act, also known as the Dolben Act. In 1788, Olaudah Equiano personally lobbied the House of Commons in support of William Dolben’s bill, which aimed to regulate the horrific conditions on slave ships. This legislation proposed limits on the number of enslaved Africans who could be transported on each ship, based on the vessel’s tonnage. The act was the first British legislation to place any form of regulatory limit on the trade, highlighting the dangerous and inhumane overcrowding on slave ships. Equiano’s influence was crucial to this effort. Drawing from his own experience and the testimonies of others, he emphasised the suffering endured by enslaved Africans during the Middle Passage. The testimonies of Equiano and his peers forced British lawmakers to confront the conditions on slave ships, marking a pivotal shift in legislative attitudes. The Dolben Act, though limited in scope, set a precedent for future reforms and demonstrated that the voices of Black abolitionists could indeed impact British law. The Sons of Africa were also involved in two critical legal battles that influenced British views on slavery: the case of the Zong massacre and the Somerset case. The Zong Massacre Case In 1781, the crew of the British slave ship Zong threw 132 enslaved Africans overboard to conserve dwindling supplies and later sought insurance compensation for “lost cargo.” The massacre came to public attention in 1783, sparking outrage among abolitionists. While the British courts ultimately framed the case as a dispute over insurance claims, the public outcry was undeniable. Equiano and other Sons of Africa members were active in keeping this story in the public eye, speaking out against the treatment of enslaved Africans as property and demanding accountability. The case became a focal point for the abolitionist movement and underscored the moral imperative of ending slavery. The Somerset Case The 1772 Somerset v. Stewart case was another landmark event, involving an enslaved man named James Somerset who sought his freedom after being brought to England. The Sons of Africa, alongside other abolitionists, supported Somerset’s fight, which resulted in a ruling by Lord Mansfield that slavery had no basis in English law. While this decision did not abolish slavery outright, it discouraged the practice within Britain, creating hope for further legal reforms. These cases were turning points, reinforcing public awareness of the inhumanity of slavery and shifting legal perspectives on the rights of enslaved people. The involvement of the Sons of Africa in these cases highlighted their dedication to challenging slavery through all available means, whether moral, legal, or political. Beyond their efforts in Parliament and the courts, the Sons of Africa were also active on the anti-slavery lecture circuit , particularly in northern England, where they engaged working-class audiences in industrial towns. Northern England had a strong abolitionist sentiment, fuelled by economic links to the cotton industry, which relied on slave-produced raw materials. Equiano and other members of the Sons of Africa travelled through towns like Manchester, Liverpool, and Leeds, delivering speeches and lectures to build grassroots support for abolition. This speaking circuit was crucial for building widespread support among people who were often disconnected from the political activities in London. Through direct engagement, the Sons of Africa influenced the views of working-class audiences who might otherwise have had little exposure to the abolitionist message. This grassroots advocacy contributed to a groundswell of public opinion that would ultimately pressure Parliament to act. The Sons of Africa left a lasting legacy, both within Britain and beyond. Their courageous and principled fight against slavery and racial injustice established a powerful example of Black-led activism and demonstrated the effectiveness of strategic, moral, and legislative advocacy. The group’s efforts culminated in the passing of the Slave Trade Act of 1807, which banned British involvement in the transatlantic slave trade, and later influenced the complete abolition of slavery across the British Empire in 1833. The writings of Equiano and Cugoano continue to be studied as seminal works in the history of abolitionism and the literature of resistance. By speaking truth to power, these men made invaluable contributions to the cause of human rights, bringing the experiences and voices of Black people to the forefront of British abolitionism. The Sons of Africa were more than just a footnote in the history of abolition. Their activism, writings, and legal efforts challenged the foundations of the British slave trade and changed the course of history. By lobbying for legislation, participating in landmark legal cases, and speaking directly to the public, they used every avenue available to advocate for an end to slavery. Their work in support of the 1788 Slave Act, their involvement in cases like the Zong massacre and the Somerset case, and their dedication to raising awareness through public lectures in northern England were all instrumental in the abolitionist movement. Today, the legacy of the Sons of Africa serves as a reminder of the power of Black agency, resilience, and leadership in the ongoing fight for justice and equality. Their courage and commitment laid the groundwork for future generations to continue challenging systems of oppression and seeking a more just society for all.

We're challenging everyone to celebrate Black History Month UK in a different way each day of October! International Black History Month is commemorated across the world in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Northern Ireland and the Netherlands. We’ve been celebrating it in the United Kingdom since the 1980s and we’re challenging all our supporters to celebrate Black British History in a different way each day of October. Here are 31 ways you can celebrate #BlackHistoryMonthUK this month: Spread the word on our campaign theme campaign theme of 'Legacies of Action'  by sharing any of our campaign videos  or making and sharing a post on your social media platform   Support a Black-owned business on Black Pound Day on 1st October Visit the Black Cultural archives in Brixton, London Donate or Sign up to a Black British organisation or charity Host a Black movie night (or marathon if you have the stamina!) Spend time with a Black elder in your community Read a Black British author Host a Black British History Quiz ( why not try one of our quizzes ) Support Black British media and press (check out our Black British movies and TV shows recommendations ) Sign up to mentor a vulnerable Black child in your community Subscribe to a Black British social media influencer Explore Black History in your local area for landmarks and plaques and don't forget to snap a picture and tag us @bhmuk_landmarks on Instagram Decorate your home in Black art Explore Black British archives - why not explore local archives or online resources like the National Archive , George Padmore Institute , Black Cultural Archives collections and FHALMA - The Huntley Archives . Read the biography of an influential Black figure Schedule some me-time to recharge your batteries if you’re dealing with casual racism at work or any other environments Visit a Black exhibition in your local museum or library Host a Black History Month UK-themed dinner party Explore the rich cultures of Black Britain, from pre-colonial Black Britons and the Windrush generation to post-1980s migrants, by visiting events like the Nigerian Modernism Art exhibition. Suggest a Black author for your book club ( check out our top reads for the month ) Attend or host a Black culture event in your community Study the history of the Black and African diaspora across the globe Contribute a blog to a Black media outlet Try a new African or Caribbean recipe Book a Black History walking tour Donate blood Listen to a podcast by a Black Content provider Explore some Black British music from the past (you can start with our Spotify playlist !) Learn about an unsung Black British hero Register to vote Take on our #BHMFamilies challenge and don't forget to tag us @ibhmuk on Instagram

This October, as we celebrate the theme “Celebrating Our Changemakers” , we pay tribute to those whose courage and creativity have shaped the story of Black Britain. Among them stands Obi Benue Egbuna, a Nigerian writer, activist and organiser whose voice helped ignite the Black Power movement in the UK. His life reminds us that change often begins with words, conviction and the refusal to accept injustice as inevitable. When Obi Egbuna arrived in Britain in the early 1960s, the country was still struggling to understand what it meant to live beyond empire. The streets of London promised opportunity to some, but for many Black migrants from the Caribbean, Africa and South Asia, it was a place of closed doors, cold shoulders and constant struggle. Into this atmosphere stepped a young Nigerian writer whose fierce intelligence and deep belief in equality would make him one of the defining figures of his generation. Born in July 1938 in Ozubulu, Anambra State, Nigeria, Egbuna grew up in modest circumstances. His father’s death when he was fourteen left him with a sense of responsibility far beyond his years. Though he first planned to study law, his gift for writing and his determination to challenge inequality led him down a different path. His academic promise earned him a scholarship to study in the United Kingdom, where he arrived in 1961, ready to build a new life. He later continued his studies at the University of Iowa and Howard University in the United States, experiences that deepened his political consciousness and sharpened his understanding of global Black struggle. Britain in the 1960s was a place of tension and transformation. Racial discrimination was open and unchecked, and the voices of Black people were largely ignored. Egbuna, inspired by the liberation movements sweeping across Africa and the radical ideas of Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael, refused to stay quiet. In 1967 he helped form the Universal Coloured People’s Association (UCPA), one of Britain’s first Black Power groups. That same year, standing in Trafalgar Square, he issued his Black Power Manifesto , calling for unity, dignity and resistance. For Egbuna, Black Power was never just a slogan. It was a philosophy that joined the struggles against racism and class exploitation. In his essays and pamphlets, including Black Power or Death  and The ABC of Black Power Thought , he spoke plainly about injustice and the need for self-determination. He argued that Black people in Britain had to see themselves as a united political force, regardless of whether they came from Africa, the Caribbean or South Asia. This belief in collective identity — later known as “political Blackness ” — was at the heart of his activism. Egbuna openly invited South Asians to join the Black Panther movement, insisting that unity across communities was essential if they were to dismantle the structures of racism that affected them all. In 1968, building on his work with the UCPA, Egbuna helped to establish the British Black Panther Movement. The group was inspired by the American Panthers but shaped by the unique realities of life in Britain. They organised self-defence groups, fought housing discrimination, and campaigned against police brutality, immigration raids and the constant harassment of young Black people. They held educational meetings, published newsletters and built networks of support that gave a generation of activists the confidence to speak out. That same year, however, the state struck back. In July 1968, Egbuna was arrested after police raids on his home uncovered draft leaflets he had written for the UCPA, calling for resistance to police violence. The authorities claimed the documents “incited murder” and “threatened police officers” — language that revealed more about official fear of Black activism than about any real threat. Although other members of the UCPA had previously been fined under the Race Relations Act 1965 for incitement to racial violence, Egbuna’s case went further, testing the limits of free speech and political dissent. He was tried at the Old Bailey in November and December 1968, accused of “uttering a document” that encouraged violence against the police. The trial became a defining moment in Britain’s confrontation with its own racial politics. Egbuna defended his right to call out oppression, arguing that resistance to racism was not hatred but self-defence. Although he was acquitted of the most serious charges, the proceedings exposed how the state sought to criminalise the Black Power movement and silence its leaders. The experience also showed the strength of Egbuna’s conviction — that truth, even when punished, must be spoken. After his arrest and trial, Egbuna gradually stepped back from leadership, passing the reins of the British Black Panthers to Altheia Jones-LeCointe, a Trinidadian-born scientist and activist who became one of the most prominent women in the movement. Under her guidance, the Panthers grew into a more community-based organisation, focusing on education, women’s leadership and practical support for Black families facing discrimination. That transition, rooted in Egbuna’s original vision but evolving through new voices, showed how revolutionary movements can adapt and survive. Alongside his political work, Egbuna remained a devoted writer. His novels and plays, including Wind Versus Polygamy  (later republished as Elina ), The Anthill , The Madness of Didi  and Daughters of the Sun , explored love, power, tradition and change. He rejected labels that sought to box in his creativity. “I don’t write African plays or English plays,” he said. “A writer just writes plays.” It was a simple but powerful statement about freedom and identity, and it reflected the same defiant spirit that shaped his politics. In 1972, weary of police surveillance and eager to contribute to cultural life back home, Egbuna returned to Nigeria. Invited by Ukpabi Asika, then administrator of the East Central State, he established a Writers Workshop in Enugu and mentored emerging authors. He wrote for television and newspapers, including his column Author’s Diary  in Renaissance , where he reflected on literature, politics and Pan-African unity. Though he had left Britain behind, his work continued to speak to the global struggle for Black liberation. Egbuna passed away in 2014 in Washington, DC, aged seventy-five. His name may not appear in every textbook, but his influence runs through the history of Black activism in Britain. The groundwork he laid helped shape later movements led by figures such as Altheia Jones-LeCointe, Darcus Howe and Olive Morris. His insistence that art and politics are inseparable continues to inspire writers and activists today. As we mark Black History Month UK 2024, celebrating our changemakers means honouring people like Obi Egbuna. He reminds us that resistance comes in many forms and that creativity can be a revolutionary act. His life bridges continents, linking Nigeria to Britain, art to protest and imagination to freedom. In remembering him, we also remember the countless voices who stood beside him, determined to make Britain a fairer place for all. To celebrate Obi Egbuna is to recognise that changemakers are often those who speak up when silence feels safer. His story reminds us that history is not only made by those in power, but by those who challenge it with courage, conviction and creativity. His voice still echoes, urging us to keep building, keep questioning and keep believing that a better world is possible. Sources: Wikipedia: Obi Egbuna JRank: Obi B. Egbuna (Obi Benue Egbuna) https://face2faceafrica.com/article/the-story-of-the-nigerian-freedom-fighter-who-founded-the-british-black-panthers https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/explore-the-collection/stories/british-black-panthers-hq/ https://www.elrec.org.uk/british-black-panther-party/ https://www.illuminationsmedia.co.uk/obi-egbuna-and-the-bbc-the-story-continued

As part of Black History Month UK, English Heritage has unveiled a blue plaque honouring Winifred Atwell, the pioneering Trinidadian pianist, television star, and entrepreneur who became the first Black artist to top the UK pop charts. Photo Credit: English Heritage On the 1st October, marking the start of Black History Month UK, internationally renowned pianist, television personality, and trailblazing entrepreneur Winifred Atwell was honoured with an English Heritage blue plaque. The plaque celebrates her former home at 18 Bourdon Street, Mayfair, where Atwell lived during the height of her extraordinary career in the 1950s and 60s with her husband and manager, Lew Levisohn. It was here she kept her two most famous instruments: her Steinway concert grand and her beloved "other piano", a deliberately out-of-tune upright that became her signature in countless honky-tonk performances. Atwell was one of the most successful musicians in post-war Britain and a true pioneer of her time. In 1954, she became the first Black artist to achieve a UK number one single with her chart-topping medley Let’s Have Another Party . Her electrifying honky-tonk style, fusing ragtime and boogie-woogie with classical virtuosity, made her a household name. Between 1952 and 1960, she spent an incredible 117 weeks in the British pop charts, appeared on over 100 BBC radio programmes, and fronted her own television shows on both ITV and the BBC. Her energetic rendition of The Black and White Rag  later became the theme tune to BBC’s Pot Black , cementing her place in the nation’s musical history. Pianist, bandleader and broadcaster Jools Holland  paid tribute, saying: “Winifred Atwell is very important in British cultural and musical life. She is one of the first women, and certainly one of the first women of Afro-Caribbean heritage, to become a mainstream figure in 1950s British entertainment. She was also a piano inspiration to both Sir Elton John, myself, and many others. It is therefore a tremendous personal honour for me to help celebrate her legacy with a blue plaque.” Photo credit: English Heritage Musician, broadcaster and English Heritage Blue Plaques panel member YolanDa Brown  added: “Winifred Atwell was a dazzling performer and a true trailblazer. Her virtuosity, charisma and entrepreneurial spirit helped her break racial and musical barriers in mid-century Britain. She opened doors for Black artists, and her success in both classical and popular music challenged assumptions about genre and identity. This plaque in Mayfair, close to her recording studios, television sets and business premises, is a tribute to a woman who deserves far greater recognition in the story of British music.” Beyond her musical career, Atwell was a forward-thinking entrepreneur. Drawing on her early training as a pharmacist, she opened one of the UK’s first beauty salons for Black women and launched her own line of beauty products. Her multifaceted success and public profile made her an inspirational figure, particularly within the Caribbean diaspora in Britain and Australia, where she later settled and lived until her passing in 1983. Winifred Atwell’s life and music continue to resonate, a lasting legacy of artistry, entrepreneurship and cultural impact that helped reshape the sound and face of post-war Britain. The English Heritage London Blue Plaques scheme is generously supported by David Pearl and members of the public. Sources: English Heritage: Winifred Atwell Blue Plaque Press Release  (2024) BBC News: Blue Plaque Honours Pianist Winifred Atwell  (1 October 2024) https://www.voice-online.co.uk/news/black-history-month/2025/10/03/blue-plaque/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Winifred_Atwell https://www.english-heritage.org.uk/visit/blue-plaques/winifred-atwell/

Sixty years ago, Britain passed the Race Relations Act 1965, the first law to outlaw racial discrimination in public places. It was a landmark moment, recognising racism as a societal problem, not just a personal failing. The Act was limited. Housing, employment, and education were left untouched, and enforcement powers were weak. Critics called it “symbolic but toothless.” Still, it laid the groundwork for future equality laws and sparked a national conversation about race. The Act was driven by grassroots activism. Campaigns like the Bristol Bus Boycott and the Notting Hill riots highlighted daily discrimination against Black and Asian communities. The Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) was instrumental in pushing for revisions to the first bill, lobbying for stronger enforcement and ensuring the law addressed systemic issues rather than just individual prejudice. CARD’s efforts helped pave the way for the Race Relations Acts of 1968 and 1976, which expanded protections to employment, housing, and services, and led to the creation of the Commission for Racial Equality. Since then, Britain has made progress. The Equality Act 2010 consolidated anti-discrimination laws, and Black and Asian communities now have a stronger presence in politics, media, and public life. Cultural contributions from the Windrush generation are widely recognised, and politicians of South Asian, Caribbean, and African heritage hold prominent roles. But inequalities remain stark. Unemployment rates remain higher among ethnic minorities : in 2024, minority ethnic people in the UK had an unemployment rate of 8.0% compared with 3.3% for white people . Among young people aged 16–24, the gap was wider still, with Black youth facing some of the highest unemployment levels. Housing is another area of disparity. Black people in England and Wales are almost three times as likely as white people to live in social housing  (44% compared with 16%). Black families facing homelessness are also more likely to remain in temporary accommodation for long periods, with lower chances of securing permanent housing compared to their white counterparts. The Windrush scandal  exposed deep systemic failures. While more than 17,000 people eventually received documentation confirming their status , compensation has been painfully slow. By early 2024, the Home Office had paid out just over £80 million across 2,233 claims . Everyday racism, from microaggressions to stereotyping, continues to shape experiences in schools, workplaces, and public spaces. Activism has evolved, but challenges remain. Movements like Black Lives Matter UK and the Black Equity Organisation push for justice and systemic change. Social media amplifies these voices but also fuels online abuse. Meanwhile, government reports, such as the 2021 Sewell Report , which denied institutional racism, fuelled controversy, illustrating the ongoing debates over whether racism is structural or anecdotal. Sixty years on, Britain likes to see itself as a tolerant, post-racial society - a place where laws, diversity campaigns, and representation have supposedly levelled the playing field. We celebrate multiculturalism as proof that the work is done. But the statistics and lived experiences tell a different story. The legal framework has done its job in shifting the boundaries of what is publicly acceptable. The open racism of the 1950s or 1960s is no longer tolerated in polite society. Yet beneath the surface lies a quieter, more insidious complacency - the comforting illusion that we have moved beyond race. This belief in a “non-racial” Britain is seductive because it absolves us of responsibility. If racism is no longer systemic, then any remaining inequality can be explained away as individual failure or cultural difference. But the data refuses to comply with that narrative: Black youth unemployment remains disproportionately high; ethnic minority families are more likely to experience housing insecurity; hate crimes continue to rise. The danger of this post-racial myth is that it breeds inertia. It allows political leaders and institutions to treat racial equality as a completed project rather than an ongoing struggle. There is even a growing sense, whispered but potent, that perhaps we have gone too far - that equality itself is now the threat, not the goal. A society that believes it has conquered racism becomes blind to its new forms. The question is not whether Britain has changed , it has, but whether it has changed enough. Progress without vigilance risks decay. If the Race Relations Act of 1965 taught us anything, it is that justice must be defended, not declared. The rise of right-wing populism intensifies these challenges. Reform UK has grown rapidly, drawing on nationalist and anti-immigration rhetoric. In September 2025, a large anti-migrant march in London drew significant participation, with some attendees clashing with the police. The event illustrated how xenophobic sentiment can escalate into conflict. Hate crime figures underscore the consequences of normalising xenophobia: in the year ending March 2024, police in England and Wales recorded 140,561 hate crimes, 70% of which were racially motivated. Recent political rhetoric has deepened these challenges. In May 2025, Prime Minister Keir Starmer described “uncontrolled” migration as having caused “incalculable” harm to British society. His remarks sparked condemnation from anti-racism groups who warned that such language undermines the dignity and safety of minority communities. Starmer later softened his comments, but the episode highlighted the tightrope political leaders walk between addressing immigration concerns and maintaining trust among minority voters. Sociologist Gary Younge observes that the resurgence of racist and xenophobic sentiment, amplified by figures such as Tommy Robinson and fuelled by social media, reflects a wider global trend. If left unchecked, this normalisation of xenophobia risks deepening divisions and undermining decades of progress. The Race Relations Act 1965 was a start, not an endpoint. True progress requires equity in opportunities, fair policing, representation at decision-making levels, and closing outcome gaps. CARD’s influence reminds us that advocacy is crucial. Law alone cannot dismantle structural racism. Solidarity across communities and sustained pressure on institutions are essential. Reflecting on six decades of progress, it is clear that while legislation has evolved, the journey toward racial equality continues. The legacy of the Race Relations Act is not just historical. Sixty years on, the question is not just how far we have come, but how much further we must go and what it will take to get there. Upholding fairness, justice, and inclusion requires commitment, courage, and collective responsibility. The ongoing rise in hate crimes linked to xenophobia highlights the urgent need to maintain vigilance and reinforce solidarity. Strategic advocacy and collective action, as CARD demonstrated, can turn legal frameworks into meaningful social change. The fight for racial equality is far from over. Progress is fragile, and gains can be challenged. Without renewed commitment from politicians, institutions, and society at large, the dangers of normalising xenophobia, both online and offline, threaten the safety, dignity, and rights of ethnic minority communities. The lessons of the past sixty years are clear. Legislation matters, activism matters, but unity and vigilance matter most. Sources: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-56585538 https://www.ibhm-uk.org/post/the-campaign-against-racial-discrimination-britain-s-civil-rights-experiment https://folukeafrica.com/what-is-there-to-celebrate-60-years-after-the-passing-of-the-race-relations-act-1965/ https://www.cps.gov.uk/cps/news/racial-and-religious-based-offences-drive-increase-hate-crime-cases https://longreads.politicshome.com/truth-lies-and-racism-the-story-behind-the-sewell-report https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2025/may/18/labour-faces-watershed-moment-in-relationship-with-black-and-asian-voters https://www.ethnicity-facts-figures.service.gov.uk/work-pay-and-benefits/unemployment-and-economic-inactivity/unemployment/latest

Bernard Coard is a Grenadian-born educator whose pioneering work in the UK exposed systemic racism in the British education system. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, as a teacher and youth worker in London, Coard highlighted the disproportionate placement of Black Caribbean children into “Educationally Sub-Normal” (ESN) schools and provided the evidence that communities and parents needed to challenge this injustice. His research became a cornerstone for the Black Parents Movement and influenced significant reforms in anti-racist and multicultural education policies. Bernard Coard was born on 10 August 1944 in Victoria, Grenada. He attended Grenada Boys’ Secondary School, where he developed an early interest in politics, social justice, and community activism. He went on to study sociology and economics at Brandeis University in the United States before moving to the UK in 1967 to study political economy at the University of Sussex. While living in London, he married Phyllis Coard and began working as a teacher and youth organiser, laying the foundation for his advocacy against racial discrimination in schools. Between 1967 and 1971, Coard worked in schools and youth clubs across South London. His firsthand experience revealed widespread institutional racism. IQ testing and teacher referrals were being used to place disproportionate numbers of Black Caribbean children into ESN schools, originally designed for pupils with severe learning difficulties. This practice limited the children’s educational opportunities and affected their long-term social mobility. In 1971, Coard published his influential pamphlet, How the West Indian Child Is Made Educationally Sub-normal in the British School System . The work revealed that schools, local education authorities, and psychologists often mislabelled West Indian children due to racial bias rather than ability. Coard wrote: “The children are therefore made neurotic about their race and culture. Some become behaviour problems as a result. They become resentful and bitter at being told their language is second-rate, and their history and culture is non-existent.” The pamphlet made this evidence accessible to parents and community organisations, sparking mass mobilisation and enabling the Black Parents Movement to campaign against discriminatory practices and demand systemic change. Coard’s research provided the Black Parents Movement and other grassroots organisations with the evidence needed to challenge racism in schools. Groups such as the Caribbean Parents Group and supplementary school initiatives drew on his analysis to develop curricula, organise advocacy campaigns, and support parents in navigating the education system. His work also influenced national policy. The 1985 Swann Report confirmed the structural barriers faced by Black students, challenged racist myths about intelligence, and informed anti-racist and multicultural educational policies in the UK. Coard’s findings continue to underpin efforts to address inequalities and promote inclusive education. Bernard Coard’s work remains central to understanding and combating racism in education. By exposing the mechanisms that disadvantaged Black Caribbean children, he enabled parents, educators, and community organisations to take action and advocate for equality. His research continues to inspire educators, activists, and policymakers committed to ensuring that all children have access to a fair and inclusive education. Source: Coard, Bernard. How the West Indian Child Is Made Educationally Sub-normal in the British School System , 1971 BBC One. Subnormal: A British Scandal , 2021

Dame Jocelyn Barrow DBE was a pioneering British educator, civil rights activist, and public servant whose work transformed race relations, education, and cultural heritage in the UK. Born on 15 April 1929 in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago, Dame Jocelyn Anita Barrow’s life and work would span continents and redefine what equality could look like in Britain’s classrooms, institutions, and cultural spaces. The daughter of Charles Newton Barrow, from Barbados, and Olive Irene Pierre, from Trinidad, Jocelyn grew up in a politically engaged household. From her early years she was drawn to activism, joining Trinidad’s People’s National Movement before training as a teacher. In 1959, she moved to Britain to study English at the University of London - and there, she encountered a society still blind to its own racial inequalities. Rather than turn away, she confronted them head-on. In 1964, Barrow helped to found the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD)  - the first national civil rights organisation in Britain - alongside figures such as Lord David Pitt, Anthony Lester, Dipak Nandy, and CLR James. CARD became a vital force for legislative change, successfully lobbying for the Race Relations Acts of 1965 and 1968, which made racial discrimination illegal in public life. Reflecting years later, she said: “CARD was a very effective organisation… led by people like me, Lord Pitt and Anthony Lester. The people at the bottom were too busy trying to survive - though some did join.” Barrow also co-founded the North London West Indian Association (NLWIA), which fought against racial bias in schools and became a crucial voice for Black Britons in the aftermath of the Notting Hill riots. These organisations were more than committees - they were lifelines for communities confronting racism, exclusion, and indifference. A notable achievement was her campaign to challenge discriminatory hiring practices at Marks & Spencer's Brixton store. Barrow lobbied for a meeting with Lord Sieff, the head of Marks & Spencer, and convinced him to employ Black staff, thereby breaking the colour bar. The threat of legal action from the new law convinced many other shops to follow suit. A passionate teacher, Barrow saw education as the foundation of equality. As a senior lecturer and teacher-trainer at Furzedown Teachers College and the Institute of Education in the 1960s, she pioneered the concept of multicultural education, long before it was widely accepted. She believed that every child in Britain - regardless of background - deserved to see themselves reflected in what they learned. Barrow’s activism also brought her into direct confrontation with prominent figures who opposed equality. In 1968, she appeared on a television programme in Birmingham hosted by Sir Robin Day, discussing the Race Relations Bill with an Asian psychiatrist and Enoch Powell MP. Powell refused to share the studio, and the BBC arranged for him to be in a neighbouring studio, so there could be no direct conversation, although he could hear their responses through the microphones. Barrow later recalled: “This clearly showed him a racist coward, and he knew that he would lose any arguments on why he was wrong regarding the Bill and his speech.” This experience shaped her later work as Governor of the BBC, where she ensured that future television interviews could not enforce racial segregation and promoted greater opportunities for Black talent as reporters, presenters, and actors in light entertainment and drama. A passionate teacher, Barrow saw education as central to equality. As a senior lecturer and teacher-trainer at Furzedown Teachers College and the Institute of Education, she pioneered multicultural education long before it was widely accepted. She believed every child in Britain, regardless of background, deserved to see themselves reflected in the curriculum. Barrow also co-founded the North London West Indian Association (NLWIA) to tackle racial bias in schools, particularly after the Notting Hill riots, providing support and advocacy for Black families. These efforts illustrate the practical activism celebrated by the “Legacies of Action” campaign, which traces 60 years of Black British struggle, resilience, and achievement. Barrow’s influence extended into Britain’s most powerful institutions. In 1981, she became the first Black woman Governor of the BBC, serving until 1988, and from 1989 to 1995, she was the founder and Deputy Chair of the Broadcasting Standards Council, shaping ethical media representation. She co-founded Arawidi Publications, producing children’s books in Caribbean dialects and local languages to ensure representation from an early age. As Chair of the Mayor’s Commission on African and Asian Heritage (MCAAH) in 2005, she oversaw the landmark report Delivering Shared Heritage , establishing standards for diversity in cultural institutions. She was also instrumental in founding the Black Cultural Archives (BCA), serving as its first patron and advocating for it as a national monument to Black British history. The BCA later reflected on her impact: “Dame Jocelyn recognised the need for a national monument like the Black Cultural Archives - to educate future generations.” Barrow’s work was formally recognised throughout her life. She was awarded the OBE in 1972 for her contributions to education and community relations, and in 1992 became the first Black woman appointed Dame Commander of the British Empire (DBE) for her services to broadcasting and public policy. She received honorary doctorates from the University of Greenwich (1993) and the University of York (2007), and was named among the 100 Great Black Britons in both 2003 and 2020. Beyond accolades, her legacy lies in the generations she empowered - students inspired to see new possibilities, communities emboldened to speak up, and institutions that began to embrace Britain’s diversity as a strength. Her work is central to understanding the activism celebrated in “Legacies of Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge,”  which highlights decades of struggle and achievements by Black Britons. Dame Jocelyn Barrow passed away in London on 9 April 2020, aged 90. She was married to barrister Henderson “Hendy” Downer of Lincoln’s Inn. Her life stands as a testament to the belief that education, culture, and justice are inseparable - and that lasting change begins with those who dare to imagine it. Sources Black Cultural Archives, Dame Jocelyn Barrow Profile . https://www.blackculturalarchives.org Obituary: The Guardian , 14 April 2020. https://www.theguardian.com YouTube, 1000 Londoners channel '97 Dame Jocelyn Barrow is knighted for her work in race relations' 2018 https://youtu.be/vRo02yOmWk8 BBC Archives, Governor Records 1981–1988

This article is based on original research by Alysha Robinson, University of Manchester History Department. We are grateful for permission to reproduce and adapt it. You can read the original in full here . The beginnings of CARD The Campaign Against Racial Discrimination (CARD) was born out of Martin Luther King Jr.’s visit to Britain in December 1964. While in London, King urged Britain’s Black and South Asian communities to organise and fight racism. His words struck a chord with his audience and after his visit, activists and immigrant groups came together to create what they called an “organisation of organisations” that could unite their voices against racism. On 10 January 1965, CARD was officially launched by a remarkable group of thinkers and activists including Trinidadian- born novelist Marion Glean , barrister Anthony Lester , historian CLR James , academics Dipak Nandy  and Hamza Alavi , British educator and community activist Jocelyn Barrow and doctor and politician David Pitt . Lawyer Richard Small served as CARD's press officer. There mission was simple but urgent: to end racial discrimination in Britain. While the US civil rights movements such as the the National Association for the Advancement Coloured People (NAACP), the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE have been widely studied in the UK, CARD is often forgotten. Yet, in its brief existence, it shaped Britain's first race relations laws and set the stage for later battles against racism. CARD utilised the legalistic tactics of NAACP and the grassroots activism of SNCC and CORE to tackle institutionalised racism and help create the Britain that we live in today. Why CARD was needed By the early 1960s, Black and South Asian migrants faced hostility not only from the public but also from politicians. Both major political parties, Labour and Conservative, avoided addressing racism directly and were accused of pandering to voters who wanted tighter immigration controls. Their policies were driven by a desire to appeal to the white working-class voter base, which felt threatened by the growing presence of Black and Asian immigrants. The 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act marked a major turning point. It restricted entry to Britain for many non-white Commonwealth citizens by requiring work permits. This law, introduced by the Conservatives and upheld by Labour after their 1964 victory, sent a clear message that immigration from the Caribbean, Africa, and South Asia was no longer welcome. Tensions came to a head during the 1964 General Election campaign in Smethwick . Conservative candidate Peter Griffiths ran on an openly racist platform, calling for a five-year ban on immigration and separate schools for children from immigrant families. His campaign was supported by posters and leaflets carrying the notorious slogan “If you want a n **** for a neighbour, vote Labour.” Griffiths denied writing the slogan himself but refused to condemn it and went on to win the seat, shocking many and exposing how deeply racism had taken hold in British politics. For Black and Asian activists, the result confirmed what they already knew: Britain urgently needed a civil rights movement of its own. CARD’s tactics Although the Labour government supported immigration controls, anti-discrimination legislation was still on the agenda with Labour's Home Secretary, Sir Frank Soskice, who introduced the Race Relations Bill to Parliament in April 1965. The Bill banned discrimination in public places but ignored jobs and housing, where most prejudice was felt, and it offered little real enforcement. While it was welcomed as a historic acknowledgement of the existence of racial discrimination in Britain, it lacked both scope and strengthen. This was where CARD stepped in. Inspired by US civil rights organisations such as the NAACP, SNCC, and CORE, the group became 'the leading voice within the inner circles of a newly elected Labour government lobbying on behalf of Black and South Asian Britons'. They adopted the NAACP's tactics, blending legal lobbying with grassroots activism. Anthony Lester, who would later go on to help found both the Institute of Race Relations and Runnymede Trust, drafted a 'green document' that proposed key amendments. Soskice's original Bill had relied on punitive measures such as fines and prison sentences for offenders. CARD instead argued for conciliation boards and tribunals to handle complaints, believing this approach, borrowed from the US Civil rights Act of 1964, would be more effective in changing behaviour. They also called for the Bill to cover housing, jobs, and credit. CARD lobbied MPs, applied media pressure, and used personal networks to gain support. Dr David Pitt held private meetings with politicians, while newspapers such as The Guardian, The Sunday Times  and The Observer  ran supportive editorials. By the Bill's second reading, the government had accepted many of CARD's recommendations. The Race Relations Act of 1965 was passed with amendments establishing a Race Relations Board and regional conciliation committees where victims of discrimination could submit their their complaints. The passage of the Act was hailed as a victory, though many felt it still did not go far enough. Testing the law Although the 1965 Race Relations Act was seen as progress, CARD quickly grew frustrated with its limits. The law banned discrimination in public places but left out housing and employment, where most racism occurred. Marion Glean and Anthony Lester argued that grassroots action was needed to highlight these gaps and push for stronger protections. Inspired by America’s 1964 Freedom Summer, CARD launched the “Summer Project” in 1966. They recruited 24 young Black, Asian, and white volunteers to run “testing” exercises in Leeds, Manchester, and Southall. In these tests, a white applicant would apply for a job or housing, followed by a more qualified Black or Asian applicant. The results were clear: racism was still rife, with Black and Asian people routinely denied work, homes, and loans. By March 1967, CARD had submitted over 150 complaints from the project to the Race Relations Board. Around 90 per cent of the cases fell outside the 1965 Act’s scope. The press reported widely on the findings, with The Guardian  calling them “the most cogent case for extending the Race Relations Act.” Even The Sunday Telegraph  admitted, “It’s No Fun Being a Brown Briton.” The pressure worked. CARD’s campaign exposed the daily reality of racism in Britain and made it impossible for the government to ignore. In 1968, a new Race Relations Act was passed, this time outlawing discrimination in housing, jobs, and public services. Why CARD collapsed Despite its achievements, CARD did not last long. By 1968, internal divisions had caused the organisation to collapse. Class tensions played a role. CARD’s leadership of lawyers, doctors, and academics often felt disconnected from the working-class communities it aimed to represent. Membership fees and an emphasis on respectability made it harder for many potential supporters to engage. Race was another source of friction. CARD included white liberals in leadership roles, following the NAACP model. But by the late 1960s, Black Power ideas were spreading in Britain, and many activists wanted organisations led solely by Black and Asian people. CARD’s interracial and middle-class structure made it seem too cautious and too close to the political establishment, particularly Labour Party for some members. In 1965, David Pitt and Hamza Alavi, who favoured working with the government, left to join the newly formed National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants. By 1968, CARD was formally dissolved. Many of its former members turned to the more radical Black Power movement, which was gaining strength amongst young Black and South Asian communities, while the founding activists continued their work. Dipak Nandy, for example, became the first director of the anti-racist think tank, the Runnymede Trust. Legacy Though it lasted only a few years, CARD left an important legacy. It showed how coordinated lobbying and grassroots action could force the government to confront racism. Its campaigns exposed the everyday reality of discrimination in housing, jobs, and public life, and laid the groundwork for stronger anti-racism laws. Most importantly, CARD was a reminder that Britain’s civil rights struggle was not just an echo of the American movement, but a homegrown fight led by immigrants and their descendants who demanded equality. This article is adapted from Alysha Robinson’s original blog for the University of Manchester History Department. You can read the full article here . Additional information is sourced from South Asian Britain website.

In the history of Black British activism, the Black Parents Movement (BPM) represents a pivotal chapter, connecting grassroots parent power, youth activism, and radical politics. Emerging in 1975, the BPM drew inspiration from the Black Education Movement (BEM), supplementary schools, and a growing network of Black community organisations. Its work continues to influence debates on race, education, and community agency, making it central to our Legacies of Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge campaign , which highlights decades of struggle and achievement in the UK. The immediate catalyst for the BPM was the unlawful arrest of Cliff McDaniel, a 17-year-old student in Hornsey, North London. On 17 April 1975, McDaniel and his friends, Keith and Chris, students at the Stationer’s Company’s School, were targeted by Metropolitan Police officers during their lunch break. McDaniel was singled out, assaulted, and falsely charged with ‘breaching the peace’ and ‘assaulting a police officer’. He was well known to staff, pupils, and parents connected to the George Padmore Supplementary School, founded in 1966 by Trinidadian activist John La Rose. Outraged parents and teachers mobilised to defend McDaniel, forming the foundation of the BPM. Around the same time, young people established the Black Students Movement, later renamed the Black Youth Movement, with La Rose’s sons Keith and Michael among the founding members. The BPM was dedicated to advancing the interests of Black working-class families, unemployed youth, and schoolchildren. John La Rose played a central role in the BPM’s formation, providing leadership grounded in both vision and community practice. Early members included supplementary schoolteachers Roxy Harris and Albertina Sylvester, as well as educator-activist Gus John. Guyanese publishers and activists Jessica and Eric Huntley, founders of the Ealing Concerned Black Parents and Youth Movement in 1976, were closely affiliated with the BPM during its most active period. Roxy Harris, current Chair of the George Padmore Institute and former BPM member, recalled that the BPM developed strategies to fight racism and discrimination in schools, challenge police corruption, and confront the complicity of the courts. She highlighted John La Rose’s leadership style, noting that he welcomed the presence of children in meetings, taking their restlessness as a signal that discussions had gone on long enough. The BPM grew from Haringey’s long history of Black radical activism and was strongly connected to the Black Education Movement (BEM) and Black Supplementary School Movement (BSSM). These initiatives were created as forms of self-help education to counteract the prejudice Black children faced in the national school system. A central intellectual influence was Bernard Coard , whose 1971 pamphlet How the West Indian Child is Made Educationally Sub-Normal in the British School System  exposed the systemic disadvantage of Black children in schools. Coard’s work provided both moral urgency and practical arguments for parent-led activism, including the campaigns led by BPM members and supplementary schools. From its inception, the BPM positioned itself as part of a broader network of radical Black organisations. In 1979, it helped form the Alliance, a partnership including the Black Youth Movement, Bradford Black Collective, and the Race Today Collective. Each group retained autonomy but collaborated on local and national campaigns, including the George Lindo Campaign in Bradford and the Stephen Locke Action Committee in Manchester. The BPM developed regional branches in Bradford and Manchester, alongside smaller groups in London boroughs such as Ealing, Hackney, Brixton, and Brent. Its work encompassed educational activism, legal advocacy, community solidarity, and international campaigns. The movement supported supplementary education programs, challenged racial bias in schools, defended young people against false accusations and police harassment, and participated in the Bookshop Joint Action Committee, which campaigned against racist attacks on Black and progressive bookshops, including the firebombing of Bogle L’Ouverture Publications in 1977. The BPM also supported international solidarity campaigns, protesting apartheid in South Africa and supporting the New Jewel Movement in Grenada under Maurice Bishop. Media projects, including BBC documentaries, have highlighted the BPM’s grassroots activism, organisational strategies, and role in shaping Black British education. Mollie Hunt contributed to chronicling the movement’s history, ensuring that these efforts remain part of the historical records. The BPM’s archives, housed at the George Padmore Institute, preserve its founding principles, campaigns, and collaborations. The movement is recognised as a leading force in Black radical activism in Britain, illustrating the power of grassroots organisation, coalition-building, and parental leadership. The BPM expanded the role of parents as political actors, embedded the principle that education is a field of struggle for communities, and contributed to networks that continue to influence Black cultural, legal, and political life in the UK. The BPM’s contributions are central to our campaign “Legacies of Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge”, showing how local action and vision can feed into national change. With Haringey announced as the London Borough of Culture for 2027, the BPM continues to inspire activists, educators, and community organisers. The Black Parents Movement demonstrates how ordinary people can take extraordinary action. Through education, advocacy, and solidarity, the BPM shaped a more just and equitable Britain. Its story reminds us that lasting change is built from the ground up, and that parental and community activism are essential to building modern multicultural Britain. Source: https://www.georgepadmoreinstitute.org/news-and-events/blog-post-50-year-anniversary-of-the-black-parents-movement https://www.epoch-magazine.com/post/resisting-redaction-the-battle-for-a-black-british-educational-movement https://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/m000w81h/subnormal-a-british-scandal

Check out our handpicked selection of books to read and enjoy during this year's Black History Month UK. Discover a range of inspiring fiction and non-fiction titles that celebrate Black history, culture and achievement. Every purchase from our IBHM Heritage Shop supports the IBHM-UK website and independent bookshops, so you can read, learn, and give back at the same time. Small Island by Andrea Levy Our book of the month perfectly complements our UK Black History Month theme, ‘Legacies of Action: Understanding 60 Years of Change and Challenge’. Andrea Levy’s novel chronicles the struggles of Caribbean immigrants arriving in post-war Britain, reflecting the everyday experiences that highlighted the urgent need for the Race Relations Act of 1965. Small Island, winner of the Orange Prize for Fiction, the Commonwealth Writers' Prize, and the Whitbread, is a powerful portrayal of the Windrush generation. Now a major BBC drama starring Benedict Cumberbatch and Naomie Harris, it will captivate fans of Maya Angelou and Zadie Smith. In 1948 London, Queenie Bligh defies prejudice by taking in Jamaican lodgers while awaiting her husband’s uncertain return. Gilbert Joseph and his wife Hortense arrive full of hope, only to face harsh realities, dashed dreams, and strained relationships, revealing the challenges of love, identity, and belonging in post-war England. The Situationship by Taylor-Dior Rumble When Tia meets charming photographer Nate on a dating app, sparks fly but so do complications in this irresistible debut romcom. After the love of her life turns up with a girlfriend, Tia decides it’s time to take a chance on herself. Expectations of dating apps are low, so she’s surprised when she instantly clicks with Nate. He’s everything she’s been looking for, making her feel safe, seen, and wanted. Tia assumes they’re on the same page, except they’ve yet to have The Talk. In a world where playing it cool is the norm, can Tia overcome her fears and go all in for something real? Growing Out by Barbara Blake Hannah Tracing her journey from being the first Black reporter on British television to a distinguished career in Jamaica, Barbara Blake Hannah's inspirational memoir is a captivating reflection on race and womanhood in the 1960s. Arriving from Jamaica as a teenager, Barbara carves out a remarkable path in television. She covers major celebrity stories, travels the world, and meets figures such as Germaine Greer and Michael Caine. Yet being the first Black woman on British TV brings enormous pressure, along with a flood of hateful letters and complaints that ultimately cost her the job. In the aftermath, Barbara embarks on a period of self-discovery, first in the UK and later back home in Jamaica, creating a space where she can fully embrace and celebrate her Black identity rather than conform to the culture around her. Without Prejudice by Nicola Williams A gripping courtroom thriller following barrister Lee Mitchell as she uncovers the dark secrets of London's obscenely rich. Lee Mitchell is a thirty-year-old barrister from a working-class Caribbean background. In the cut-throat world of the courtroom, everything is stacked against her. When she takes on the high-profile case of notorious millionaire playboy Clive Omartian, arrested alongside his father and stepbrother for staggering fraud, the line between her personal and professional life becomes dangerously blurred. Spiralling deeper into Clive's trail of corruption and excess, she finds herself in alarmingly deep waters. Can she survive the case, let alone win it? Selected by Booker Prize-winning author Bernardine Evaristo, this series rediscovers and celebrates pioneering books depicting Black Britain that reshape the nation. We Were There by Lanre Bakare From the late 1970s to the early 1990s, Britain was in turmoil. Margaret Thatcher’s radical economic policies, the rise of the National Front, and widespread civil unrest placed Black lives at the frontline of a racial reckoning. At the same time, it was a period of extraordinary Black cultural creation, organising, and resistance – the crucible in which modern Britain was forged. We Were There  brings into focus, for the first time, remarkable Black lives across once-thriving industrial cities: the foundries of Birmingham, the docks of Liverpool and Cardiff, the mills of Bradford, and beyond to Wigan, Wolverhampton, Manchester, and the green expanse of the countryside. We meet feminists and Rastafarians, academics and pan-Africanists, environmental campaigners and rugby-league stars. We witness landmark campaigns against miscarriages of justice, encounter radical artists and pioneering thinkers, and tread the dancefloors of Northern Soul all-nighters and the birth of Acid House. Together, these voices and stories rewrite our understanding of Black British culture. London was only ever part of the picture. We Were There  incorporates a far broader range of Black Britons into the fabric of the national story. Alive with energy and purpose, this book expands our sense of who we are. Confronting, joyful, and thrilling, it is a profoundly important portrait of modern Britain. Dawn Butler MP - A Purposeful Life "When I was younger, my parents taught me to be resilient and my brothers told me to be resistant. Now I think it’s time for a revolution. Let’s complete the power of three." Dawn Butler, the third Black woman ever elected as an MP, is a trailblazer who speaks truth to power. Famously ejected from the House of Commons for calling Boris Johnson a liar, her sense of purpose has carried her through countless challenges, allowing her to stand up for what is right and drive change across institutions from the Met Police to the NHS. For the first time, Dawn reflects on the pivotal moments in her life, offering others the courage to dream big and make a difference. Her story demonstrates that by celebrating the strength of diverse communities, embracing intersectionality, and approaching problems from every angle, it is possible to disrupt a broken system. This uplifting and hopeful book shows that anyone can create positive change, even in a world that often feels fractured. Do You Dream of Terra-Two? by Temi Oh Temi Oh’s debut novel follows ten strangers leaving a dying Earth on a twenty-three-year mission to a new home world. Four are decorated veterans of the 20th century’s space race, and six are teenagers who have spent most of their lives training for this journey. A century ago, scientists theorised that a habitable planet existed in a nearby solar system. Now, these astronauts must face twenty-three years in close quarters, with no one to rely on but each other and no hope of rescue if something goes wrong. And something always goes wrong. The Long Way to a Small, Angry Planet meets The 100 in this gripping, unforgettable debut from a brilliant new voice, exploring the choices we make, the bonds we form, and what it truly means to seek a new beginning among the stars. The King is Dead by Benjamin Dean The King is Dead  is a suspenseful queer YA thriller about a teenage monarch targeted by someone in his inner circle. Gossip Girl meets royalty in this Black LGBTQ+ reimagining, packed with scandalous secrets, whirlwind romances, and a gripping mystery. James has been a prince all his life, growing up in the spotlight as the first Black heir to the throne. When his father dies unexpectedly, he is crowned king at just seventeen, and his world changes forever. Soon after, James’ boyfriend goes missing, threatening letters arrive at the palace, and private scandals only he knows are leaked to the public. As the anonymous informant continues to expose every secret, James realises that even those closest to him cannot be trusted. #LongLiveTheScandal Believe by Leigh-Anne Pollack "I found my power when I realised it was within me, within my skin and within my soul. It just needed to be set free." Leigh-Anne Pinnock’s life changed overnight when she joined Little Mix, the first ever girl band to win the X Factor. As the band became a global sensation, Leigh-Anne faced the challenges of being a Black woman in an industry with little diversity. In her powerful memoir, she shares her journey from growing up in a mixed-race family in Britain to conquering the pop world, revealing the lessons, struggles, and triumphs that show how embracing your own power can help you chase your dreams. Possibility by Sareeta Domingo On her thirtieth birthday, Anika Lapo wakes up in hospital and realises she’s wasted too much of her life. Determined to take control, she starts writing in her diary every night, manifesting her dreams: landing her ideal job as a radio producer, DJing to a real crowd, and finally connecting with breakfast show host Cam Aseidu, the man she’s been lusting after. As her diary manifestations begin to come true, Anika must navigate love, ambition, and self-discovery, learning that chasing her desires means staying true to herself. Possibility  is a gripping, romantic, and empowering tale about taking charge of your life and embracing your own power. Coconut by Florence Olajide Heartfelt, powerful and deeply inspiring, Coconut  is the true story of Florence Oladjide, a Nigerian child fostered by a white family in 1960s London. Known as Ann, she adores her foster mother but can’t ignore that she looks different from everyone around her. When she’s suddenly taken to Nigeria, Florence is plunged into a new world of heat, hardship and unfamiliar customs. Torn between two identities, she must fight to find her place and her voice. A moving memoir of identity, resilience and belonging — perfect for fans of Lemn Sissay. A Thousand Threads by Neneh Cherry Bold, fearless and endlessly creative, Neneh Cherry shares the story of her extraordinary life in this vibrant memoir filled with music, love and defiance. From her unforgettable Top of the Pops debut in 1988, wearing a gold bra and bomber jacket while seven months pregnant, to her trailblazing career shaping pop, punk and hip hop, Cherry has always rewritten the rules. Growing up between continents and cultures, she celebrates the family, friendships, collaborations and challenges that defined her journey. This is the unforgettable life of a woman who changed music and lived every note to the fullest. How to Love Your Afro by Paige Lewin This is more than a hair care guide - it's a powerful journey of self-acceptance and identity. After years of hiding her natural hair under wigs, weaves and chemicals, Paige reclaimed her Afro and her confidence. Drawing on expert advice from psychotherapists, dermatologists and hair specialists, she offers a holistic approach to natural hair and self-care. From breaking free from Eurocentric beauty standards to understanding the link between hair health and nutrition, this empowering book celebrates authenticity, healing and the beauty of embracing your true self. Universality by Natasha Brown From the author of Assembly , Universality  is a gripping, twisty novel about truth, power and the words we use. When a man is brutally bludgeoned with a solid gold bar on a Yorkshire farm, a determined young journalist sets out to uncover the truth. Her investigation connects an amoral banker, a provocative columnist, and a radical anarchist movement. While she solves the mystery, her viral longread exposé raises more questions than it answers. Sharp, provocative and darkly compelling, Universality  is a thrilling exploration of language, power, and the slippery nature of truth in our modern world. You can purchase any of the books listed in our IBHM Heritage shop which helps supports the IBHM-UK website and independent bookshops. Disclosure: If you buy books linked to our site, we may earn a commission from Bookshop.org , whose fees support independent bookshops.

Black History Month UK 2023 'Before Windrush' - exploring the lives and stories of B lack Britons who were living in the UK before the arrival of Empire Windrush in 1948. From Princess Marina, Duchess of Kent to Princess Alice of Greece, princess nurses have gifted their talents to hospitals and medicine, particularly during wartime. However, missing from this history of royal altruism are the African princesses – notably Princess Omo-Oba Adenrele Ademola. (1) Princess Adenrele Ademola or Omo-Oba Adenrele Ademola was born in Nigeria on 2 January 1916. She was the daughter of Ladapo Ademola, the Alake of Abeokuta. She arrived in Britain on 29 June 1935, and initially stayed at the West African Students’ Union's hostel in Camden Town. This space acted as a haven for Ademola, as it did for many other African students and visitors during the early 20th century. It is here that she attended social events and committees, and the Africa Hostel is noted as her residence address until she returned to Lagos temporarily in 1936. (1) During her early career in Britain, Ademola balanced her role as a princess with the demands of her vocation as a nurse. As a princess, she returned to England in 1937 with her father and brother, Prince Ademola III (the future Chief Justice for the Federation of Nigeria) for the coronation of King George, staying at the Grosvenor Hotel, London. (1) While it’s unclear whether Princess Ademola attended the coronation of George VI on 12 May 1937, she attended many royal social events from May to July 1937, including royal garden parties at Buckingham Palace and a royal gathering hosted by her father at the Mayfair Hotel, in May 1937. She also conducted royal visits to the Mayor and Mayoress of London at Mansion House and notably the Carreras cigarette factory in June 1937. It is likely that she continued to attend royal appointments until her father’s departure to Paris in early July 1937. (1) She attended a school in Somerset for two years, and by January 1938 had started training as a nurse at Guy's Hospital. A photograph of Ademola appeared in a 1942 pamphlet about the BBC's international activity. The film ‘Nurse Ademola’ centralised her role as a nurse but is now lost. Made in 1943 or 1944–5, it was a 16mm silent newsreel film in a series for the Colonial Film Unit called The British Empire at War. (2) The Colonial Film Unit was established in 1939 as part of the Ministry of Information to tell “the story of the War with the right propaganda.” During WW2 Britain pumped propaganda into Africa on an unprecedented scale as information offices were established in the colonies and propaganda activities directed and co-ordinated by the Ministry of Information in London. (1) War information and propaganda were communicated via radio broadcasts, touring cinema and loudspeaker vans, the press and through public meetings. The propaganda messages were aimed at keeping Africans war conscious, combatting apathy and ensuring their identification with the allied cause. The Film Unit produced 200 propaganda films on the African continent and closed down in 1955. (1) ‘Nurse Ademola’ played an important part in this as a uniquely feminine perspective. It ‘depicted an African nurse at various phases of training at one of the great London hospitals’, it was said to have inspired many African viewers at its screenings across West Africa. (1) When she arrived with her father in 1937, Princess Ademola was recorded as a ‘midwife’, which epitomises her presence in the historical records after this. In 1939 she was listed as a part of the nursing staff at St Saviour’s ward at Guy’s Hospital, and by 27 June 1941 she was a registered nurse at Guy’s hospital, having passed her nursing examinations after six years of training. (1) From 1941, she moves between hospitals and is recorded at Queen Charlotte’s Maternity Hospital in London before being listed at New End Hospital in Hampstead in December 1942, having passed her Central Midwives Board exam. (1) Ademola's patients apparently called her "fairy" as a term of endearment. "Everyone was very kind to me", she told journalists at the time. At this stage, her last definitive sighting in the archives was in September 1948, before her father’s departure from Nigeria and abdication of the throne. She returned from Lagos with a man believed to be her husband, Timothy Adeola Odutola, a 46-year-old trader. Here she again lists herself as a nurse, residing in Limpsfield, Surrey before moving, accompanied by her husband, to Balmoral Hostel in Queensgate Gardens, South Kensington in 1949. Little is known about her activity after the 1940s, with the last record of her being in 1949, when she was working as a nurse in South Kensington. Despite her royal status, the historical records about Princess Ademola are not detailed or complete. Research on her has been hampered by the haphazard recordings of her personal details such as name and birth dates. For example, The National Archives found five variations of her name whilst researching her. Such challenges are rife when examining Black populations and represent a larger issue: the failure to consider Black people/Black histories a priority. Contemporarily, the lives of Black people were considered ‘second-class’ and therefore detail and accuracy in records were deemed unnecessary. (1) But historians of Black history and community groups such as ourselves and the Young Historians Project, are beginning crucial initiatives to recognise and promote the histories of Black people in the British archives. The National Archives says: African nurses such as Princess Ademola, through their migration, settlement and contribution to British society, hold equal claim to the attentions of historical archives as any Florence Nightingale or Edith Cavell. They must also be recognised for their struggles against social and racial adversity. It is our responsibility to bring forth histories like Princess Ademola’s and transition the narrative of Black women in Britain from the abstract to the celebrated. Sources: https://blog.nationalarchives.gov.uk/african-princess-in-guys-the-story-of-princess-adenrele-ademola/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Omo-Oba_Adenrele_Ademola https://www.younghistoriansproject.org/early-women/princess-adenrele-ademola https://www.nursingtimes.net/news/global-nursing/london-trust-shines-a-light-on-inspirational-nigerian-princess-nurse-09-11-2022/ https://www.guysandstthomas.nhs.uk/news/unsung-nigerian-princess-nurse-inspires-todays-nurses The British Colonial Film Unit and sub-Saharan Africa, 1939–1945 by Rosaleen Smyth (1)