Windrush Month 2024 'Celebrating the Caribbean pioneers of the 1940s & 1950s' - exploring the lives and stories of the the early Caribbean people who came to Britain after the 2WW. The impact of the Caribbean passengers on HMT Windrush can not be ignored or forgotten. These individuals and those who followed in their wings, now referred to as the Windrush generation, opened the door to the multicultural Britain that is taken for granted today. And Sam King is a true proponent of their fighting spirit. He first came to the UK to volunteer to fight in the Second World War and later as a Windrush pioneer who became the first Black mayor of the London borough of Southwark and helped pave the way for Britain’s first multicultural street festival – Notting Hill Carnival. Sam Beaver King was born in the small village of Priestman’s River in the rural parish of Portland in Jamaica on 20 February 1926. He was born into a traditional Christian family and was the second eldest of ten children. As a youngster he worked on his father’s banana farm with the intention of taking over after his dad retired. But the war in Europe meant that his life was going to take a different path. King was planning to go to the United States to work when he spotted an advert in the Daily Gleaner appealing for volunteers for the British army. After passing the RAF test, he and the other men received a month’s basic training at an army camp in Kingston before travelling to the UK. The new recruits arrived in Greenock, near Glasgow, in November 1944. King recalled: "I left Portland, Jamaica, in temperatures of 75F. I landed at Greenock, which was 39F. I thought I was going to die.” Then moved onto RAF Hunmanby Moor in Filey, Yorkshire for technical and combat training. After three months, the men were split up into categories for ground crew training – King was posted to the fighter station RAF Hawking near Folkestone and served as an engineer. “My mother said, ‘Sam, the mother country is at war, go’. Let us get this straight: the Germans wanted to rule the world, and if Hitler had won, they would have put us [black people] in ovens and lit the fire. We had to fight for our own salvation.” Within a few months, King was promoted, and then trained as an aircraft engineer at RAF Locking in Somerset. He had another four postings, finishing in Yorkshire, at RAF Dishforth in Ripon, maintaining transport planes. King said of his war efforts, that the locals were welcoming and the few incidents of racism he experienced were from the American GIs. Indeed, during one posting in Rivenhall in Essex, Fred Seagraves, a serviceman he befriended, took him home to Nottingham to meet his parents. Mr and Mrs Seagraves became Sam’s English ‘Mam and Pap’ with whom he kept in touch until their death’s decades later. (1) In 1947, King’s war service officially came to an end and Sam, then aged 21, succumbed to RAF pressure to return to Jamaica. He had contemplated staying on in Britain after the war but recalled that attitudes suddenly seem to change overnight. “When we were in the uniform, you’re reasonably respected,” he said. When the war was over, they said, ‘What are you doing here? You should go home. I came to help them and now that they have their freedom, they said I should go home." King returned to a colonial Jamaica struggling to recover from the 1944 hurricane – of which an estimated 90% of Jamaica’s banana trees and 41% coconut trees were lost – and high unemployment rates. His family’s banana farm was devastated, and he found it difficult to find work because of the discriminatory racial policies of the British colonial rulers. King said, “I could not see myself making a headway socially or financially at Priestman’s River or in Jamaica for that matter.” He had changed but Jamaica had remained the same. In Tony Sewell’s 1998 book, Keep on Moving – A Windrush Legacy, he elaborated further: “Having been in England and read a few books I decided I could not live in a colony. Everything was done by Westminster through the Governor. Only one man in 10 had the vote and 85 per cent of the land belonged to big English landowners.”  (1) So, King – enticed by another Daily Gleaner advert – booked passage on the Empire Windrush to return to the UK and re-enlist. His family sold three cows to raise funds for a troop deck berth. On board, there was a bit of a holiday atmosphere, and special camaraderie among the RAF veterans. However, he noted in his memoir that there was also enough apprehension about the government turning the ship back that he organised two ex-RAF wireless operators to play dominoes outside the radio room – and monitor incoming messages. (2) King and his fellow West Indian passengers were met by officials from the Ministry of Labour and the Colonial Office. One was, the British civil servant   Ivor Cummings – the first Black official in the British Colonial Office – and of course, a curious British press. The welcome he received on his return was hardly fitting for a British ex-serviceman. Black men who had risked their lives during the war now faced a second battle. In his 1998 autobiography, Climbing Up the Rough Side of the Mountain, King recalled: “The host nation saw the influx as an imposition and became hostile ... The acute shortage of accommodation was the biggest problem facing immigrants who were arriving from the new Commonwealth countries.” (1) King re-enlisted in the RAF in 1948 and served until 1953. While Black service personnel found they were respected and supported when they were in uniform, civvy street was far too often a different story. Racism restricted job opportunities: Mr King applied unsuccessfully to the Metropolitan Police in 1953 – it took them another 14 years to appoint its first Black officer. Racial discrimination also made it extremely difficult for many Black people to find housing — and thereby start putting down roots. (2) In 1950, Mr King, then an RAF corporal, and his brother Wilton attempted to buy a house in Sears Street, Camberwell, but bank officials responded to a mortgage request with a letter suggesting he return to Jamaica. Mr King took the letter to the owner of the house, who was so disgusted that he gave him a mortgage himself. He made him swear on the bible that he would repay the cost of the house – £1,000 – in ten years’ time. He managed to do so in five years with the help of a ‘pardner’, a traditional Caribbean saving scheme, and by renting rooms to other West Indians. The Kings were the second Black family in Southwark to own a home. For other black Caribbean residents, the only way to own a home was to join a ‘pardner’ and Mr King took an active role in setting up many pardners. King left the armed forces in 1953 and joined the post office. No doubt, his status as an army veteran helped ensure that his application was successful, but throughout his career he repeatedly experienced racism. In his autobiography, Climbing Up the Rough Side of the Mountain on his experiences at the South Eastern District Office: “I was not welcomed by some; not a smile crossed the faces of those who were too busy guarding the overtime. I spoke only when necessary. One week into the post, I asked for overtime on the Irish section sorting letters beyond Dublin to Limerick. There, my colleagues saw that I was not as green and naive as they thought. One fellow in particular was most obnoxious whenever I put in for overtime work. He made hurtful remarks and was not co-operative. Others joined in, but I was there to do a job and nothing was going to make me flounder or even show resentment. My performance was far above these petty non-entities. I held fast to my integrity’. King worked for the Royal mail for 34 years, beginning as a postman in Waterloo and ending as senior manager for the South Eastern postal district. (He recalled being greeted with a heckle from a resentful white worker who yelled: “Send ‘em back!” King’s quick-witted riposte was: “I’m all in favour of sending them back, as long as you start with the Mayflower.”). (1) He became involved with the Brixton-based newspapers the West Indian Gazette and Afro-Asian Caribbean News, which had been founded in 1958 by the communist Trinidadian journalist Claudia Jones . He was among those who helped her to organise the first Caribbean-style indoor carnival at St Pancras town hall the following year, which laid the foundations for the Notting Hill carnival. (1) Faith played a significant role in his life, and like many African and Caribbean Christians in the 1940s and 1950s, he and his family had to hold their worship gatherings at home due to the racism they faced in British churches. When he and his first wife, Mae, moved to Herne Hill in south London in 1958, they didn't feel welcomed at the local Baptist church and never returned, although they allowed their children to attend Sunday school there. Years later, as the Mayor of Southwark, he was invited as a guest to the same church, and he made sure to be addressed as ‘Your Worship’ and wore his full regalia as Mayor, which he considered as 'poetic justice' for the church to give him the respect and recognition he deserved. He was involved in community activism on migrant welfare issues and was active in the post workers’ union. He joined the Labour party, too, seeing it as a political vehicle that could improve the life of black people. In 1982 he was elected the Labour member of Southwark council for Bellenden ward, Peckham, and a year later, when the Labour party Black Sections campaign for greater representation was formed, he was nominated to become mayor. At the time, the National Front was very active in the area. “[They] let it be known that if Sam King became the mayor of Southwark, they were going to slit my throat and burn down my house. My reply was ... I am not against them slitting my throat, but they must not burn down my house, because it is not a council house.” In 1983, King was elected as Mayor of the London Borough of Southwark, making history as the first Black mayor of Southwark, in the face of abuse and death threats. This milestone came seventy years after John Richard Archer became the first Black mayor of a London borough back in 1913. As Mayor of Southwark, he played an active role in pushing to get the pirate stations playing gospel music to become community radio stations. But this was rejected by the Home Secretary, Leon Brittan, but it didn’t deter him and others, and, in many ways laid the foundation for Premier Christian Radio to be awarded a license years later. Sam, alongside Diane Louise Jordan, was instrumental in organising the first gospel-inspired BBC 'Songs of Praise' at Southwark Cathedral in April 1985. This ground-breaking event allowed the British public to experience gospel music and Pentecostal fellowship on a BBC national show for the first time. The programme also served as a platform for Basil Meade and the London Gospel Community Choir, providing them with national exposure. As a result of the event's success, the BBC began incorporating more gospel music into their various shows. In his capacity as a local councillor, Sam presented several motions to the British Council of Churches to enable Black Majority Churches to rent or purchase church venues that were derelict or underutilized. This motion played a crucial role in facilitating the growth of Black-led church buildings and places of worship. After retiring from local politics, King focussed on preserving the experiences of his generation. He founded the Windrush Foundation with Arthur Torrington in 1996 to recognise and keep alive the memories of the young men and women who were among the first wave of post war settlers in the UK. In his later years, Sam King was best known for his efforts to establish the anniversary of the Empire Windrush's arrival as a holiday, earning him the nickname "Mr. Windrush." In 1998, he was awarded the MBE during the 50th anniversary celebrations for Windrush and also published his autobiography, "Climbing Up the Rough Side of the Mountain." In 2009, a public vote led to the installation of a Southwark blue plaque at his long-time home on Warmington Road. This was followed by the freedom of the borough of Southwark being granted to him in May 2016. Sam King MBE died on 17 June 2016, less than a week before the 68th anniversary of his arrival on the Empire Windrush: more than 500 people attended his funeral at Southwark Cathedral.  Arthur Torrington, a close friend and colleague, paid a heartfelt tribute to Sam, describing him as: “a giant with a voice that commanded respect that provided a positive message to all about the contribution of the Caribbean community but the wider benefits of migration. We need to give our gratitude to men and women like Sam who made sacrifices and laid the foundations that we take for granted today in the community.” Two years after King's death, the UK government officially designated the 22 June as Windrush Day to recognise the contributions of the Windrush generation's contributions in helping to rebuild a post-war Britain. King paved the way for people such as Labour MP Diane Abbott , who aptly said after his death “[King] played a crucial role in breaking down barriers for Black people in politics. [For] someone like me, who was fortunate to become an MP, [I} stand on the shoulders of people like Sam King.” Sources: "Sam King 'Mr Windrush' Ebook". Windrush Foundation https://www.theguardian.com/society/2016/jun/30/sam-king-obituary?CMP=share_btn_tw (1) https://www.keepthefaith.co.uk/2016/07/06/sam-king-mbe-by-patrick-vernon-obe/ https://southwarkheritage.wordpress.com/2020/06/19/sam-king-and-the-windrush/ (2) https://archive.voice-online.co.uk/article/mr-windrush-sam-king-passes-away-90 https://www.postalmuseum.org/blog/sam-king-a-postal-worker-of-the-windrush-generation/#:~:text=Sam%20King%20is%20celebrated%20for,today's%20Notting%20Hill%20Carnival%20%E2%80%93%20and https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/families/time-travel-tv/a-significant-person/

Check out our list of books to read and enjoy during this year's Black HistoryMonth UK that includes fiction and non-fiction titles. You can purchases any of the books listed in our IBHM Heritage shop on our IBHM Heritage shop , which helps support IBHM-UK website and independent bookshops. Diane Abbott - A Woman Like Me Our book of the month and the perfect companion to this year’s Black History Month UK theme of ‘Celebrating Changemakers.’ From challenging expectations as a bright and restless child of the Windrush generation to making history as the first elected Black female MP in the UK, Diane Abbott has seen it all. A Woman Like Me  takes readers through Diane’s incredible journey, painting a vivid picture of growing up in 1960s North London with her working-class Jamaican parents, before entering the hallowed halls of Cambridge University to study history. Ever since the day she first walked through the House of Commons as the first Black woman MP, she has been a fearless and vocal champion for the causes that have made Britain what it is today, whether it’s increasing access to education for Black children and speaking out against the Iraq war or advocating tirelessly for refugees and immigrants. A unique figure in British public life, Diane has often had nothing but the courage of her convictions to carry her through incredibly hostile environments, from torrential abuse in the mainstream media and on social media, to being shunned by the political establishment, including by her own party. Written with frankness and wry humour, A Woman Like Me is an inspirational account that celebrates how one woman succeeded against massive odds and built an extraordinary legacy. The List by Yomi Adegoke The debut novel of Yomi Adegoke was a Sunday Times bestseller and a Richard and Judy Book Club pick. In "The List," Yomi Adegoke delves into the complexities of modern womanhood through the story of a young woman grappling with societal expectations and personal ambition. After being handed a list of attributes she "should" possess, she embarks on a journey of self-discovery, navigating relationships, career pressures, and cultural norms. Adegoke’s sharp wit and poignant insights reveal the struggles and triumphs of balancing identity and ambition in a world that often seeks to define women. The novel is a fresh and relatable exploration of empowerment and the quest for authenticity. Black History for Every Day of the Year by David Olusoga "Black History for Every Day of the Year" by David Olusoga offers a compelling exploration of Black history through 365 thought-provoking entries, one for each day. Each entry highlights significant figures, events, and cultural milestones, illustrating the richness and diversity of Black experiences across the globe. Olusoga weaves together stories of resistance, achievement, and influence, encouraging readers to reflect on the impact of Black history in shaping the present and future. This engaging and accessible anthology serves as both a celebration and an essential resource for understanding the contributions of Black individuals throughout history. Take a Hint Danny Brown by Talia Hibbert In "Take a Hint, Dani Brown," Talia Hibbert delivers a delightful romantic comedy centered on Dani Brown, a no-nonsense PhD student focused on her career and avoiding relationships. When a playful encounter with her friend Zaf, a charming security guard and former rugby player, goes viral, they enter a fake dating scenario to boost his charity efforts. As they navigate the challenges of their growing connection, Dani discovers the complexities of love, vulnerability, and trust. Hibbert’s sharp wit and dynamic characters create a heartwarming tale that explores themes of self-discovery, friendship, and the power of love. No Place Like Home: Family, Food and Finding Your Place by Charlene White In No Place Like Home , journalist, broadcaster and tv host Charlene White boldly shares her own story and understanding of home as a Jamaican Londoner exploring all the smells, memories and voices from her childhood. Alongside her personal story, White interviews eight individuals who give their perspectives on home and their experiences that are shaped by myriad events from difficult family situations to desperate political upheaval and war. No Place Like Home is a powerful and heartfelt exploration of family, food and finding your place, as well as the moments in history that have changed the way we feel about the simplest of terms: 'home'. Ordinary People by Diane Evans In "Ordinary People," Diane Evans weaves together the lives of diverse characters in contemporary Britain, exploring themes of love, loss, and resilience as they navigate everyday struggles and the search for connection. Two couples find themselves at a moment of reckoning. Melissa has a new baby and doesn't want to let it change her. Damian has lost his father and intends not to let it get to him. Michael is still in love with Melissa but can't quite get close enough to her to stay faithful. Stephanie just wants to live a normal, happy life on the commuter belt with Damian and their three children, but his bereavement is getting in the way. Lemin Sissay - My Name is Why In "My Name Is Why," Lemn Sissay recounts his tumultuous upbringing in the British care system, revealing the profound impact of displacement and neglect. Separated from his family and enduring a series of foster placements, Sissay's journey is one of resilience and self-discovery. Through poetry and poignant storytelling, he explores themes of identity, belonging, and the quest for love. This powerful memoir sheds light on systemic failures while celebrating the strength of the human spirit and the importance of finding one's voice. Candice Brathwaite - Manifesto In "Manifesto," Candice Brathwaite passionately advocates for change, exploring themes of race, motherhood, and empowerment. Through personal anecdotes and cultural critique, she challenges societal norms and encourages Black women to embrace their voices. Brathwaite's powerful narrative serves as both a celebration of resilience and a call to action for future generations. Caleb Azumah Nelson - Small Worlds In "Small Worlds," Caleb Azumah Nelson explores the intertwined lives of two young Black artists in South London. As they navigate love, grief, and the complexities of their identities, the novel captures the beauty and fragility of human connections, emphasizing the impact of shared experiences and the quest for belonging. Zeinab Badawi - An African History of Africa: From the Dawn of Humanity to Independence In "An African History of Africa," Zeinab Badawi presents a comprehensive narrative tracing the continent's history from its ancient origins to the dawn of independence. Through rich storytelling and insightful analysis, she explores the diverse cultures, civilizations, and significant events that shaped Africa. Badawi emphasizes the resilience and contributions of African peoples, challenging stereotypes and offering a nuanced understanding of the continent's past. This engaging work serves as both an educational resource and a celebration of Africa's profound legacy. Maurice Burton & Paul Jones - The Maurice Burton Way - Britain’s first Black Cycling Champion In "The Maurice Burton Way," co-authored by Maurice Burton and Paul Jones, the story chronicles the life of Britain’s first Black cycling champion. Burton shares his journey from the challenges of a young Black athlete in a predominantly white sport to achieving national acclaim. The book highlights his dedication, resilience, and passion for cycling while addressing issues of race and representation in sports. Through personal anecdotes and reflections, Burton inspires readers to pursue their dreams against all odds and embrace diversity in athletics. Jeffrey Boakye - Black, Listed: Black British Culture Explored In "Black, Listed: Black British Culture Explored," Jeffrey Boakye delves into the multifaceted landscape of Black British identity through a rich tapestry of personal experiences, cultural references, and historical context. He examines the complexities of race, representation, and belonging, using insightful commentary to explore the influence of music, literature, and film on Black British culture. Boakye's engaging prose invites readers to reflect on the nuances of identity and the importance of celebrating diverse narratives within contemporary British society, fostering a deeper understanding of cultural heritage. You can purchases any of the books listed in our IBHM Heritage shop on IBHM Heritage shop , which helps support IBHM-UK website and independent bookshops. Disclosure: If you buy books linked to our site, we may earn a commission from Bookshop.org , whose fees support independent bookshops.

Black History Month UK 2022 'Sharing Journeys' campaign - In the first of our history in the making articles, we'll be exploring the life and career of the cabinet minister, Kemi Badenoch. Kemi Badenoch was born Olukemi Olufunto Adegoke on 2 January 1980 in Wimbledon, London, to Femi and Deyi Adegoke. Her father was a GP and her mother a professor of physiology. She spent her childhood growing up on both sides of the Atlantic where her psychology professor mother had lecturing jobs. Life became increasingly hard for her family when Nigeria was thrown into political chaos after a military coup in the early eighties. The country was racked with financial ruin and severe human rights abuses. The Nigerian naira was devalued and the country was temporarily suspended from the Commonwealth for executing nine environmentalists including Nobel prize nominee Ken Saro-Wiwa . Living in such dire conditions, Badenoch’s father took the difficult decision to send her to the UK. She recalls: that Nigeria’s currency had suddenly become worth 10% of what it had been and “my Dad [had to] spend several months’ pay on my ticket. We went to the travel agent with all his savings stuffed in a plastic carrier bag. He had £100 left when he’d paid for my ticket, and he gave it to me to take to England. So that’s all I had when I arrived.” “But I was so excited. When I saw my British passport it was like Willy Wonka’s golden ticket. It was amazing, a very special privilege to be a citizen of this country. Many people use citizenship as an international travel document, but to me it was much more than that. I think of this country with affection, feeling, loyalty. Its values make it special.” At the age of 16, Badenoch returned to the UK to stay with her mum’s best friend in Wimbledon. Whilst studying for her A Levels at Phoenix College in south London she worked at Mcdonald’s and other jobs. She told the Times of her time at McDonald’s: “You would have people from college who would turn up and laugh at me because I was there with my hat and badge and I didn’t have any stars. But it was what I had to do. I didn’t have money. My parents weren’t here and I was living with family friends. So I had a roof over my head, but I needed to earn to live. There’s dignity that you just get from working and earning your own money.” After graduating from Sussex University with a degree in computer systems engineering, she worked for Logica, claiming she was “once the only woman on a building site with 300 men!” She then moved on to work for the Royal Bank of Scotland as a system analyst before pursuing a career in banking. She became an associate director at the private bank Coutts from 2006 to 2013. Developing an interest in law and politics, she began studying law at Birbeck, University of London and completed her LLB in 2009. She then took the tentative steps to move into politics while working as a director of the digital department at the influential right-wing magazine The Spectator. In 2015, she became a member of the National Assembly, going on to retain her seat in the Assembly in the 2016 election. Badenoch joined the Conservative party in 2005 and spent several years trying to get elected to Parliament. A year after being elected to the National Assembly, she was shortlisted by the Conservative Party for a marginal seat in the Hampstead and Kilburn consistency in the 2017 general election. She was unsuccessful but was ultimately selected as a Conservative candidate for Saffron Waldon, a safe seat for the Tories, which she held with 37,629 votes and a majority of 24,966. In her maiden speech as an MP on 19 July, she described the vote for Brexit as “the greatest vote of confidence in the project of the United Kingdom” and cited her personal heroes as Conservative politicians Winston Churchill, Airey Neave, and Margaret Thatcher. In July 2019, Badenoch joined Boris Johnson’s government as a junior minister in the role of Parliamentary Under Secretary of State (Minister for Children and Families). She bounced around several junior ministerial roles before being promoted to Minister of State for Equalities; and appointed Minister of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government. Within days of her appointments, the latter title was renamed “Minister of State for Levelling Up Communities.” Her tenure as Minister of State for Equalities was sometimes mired in controversy. During a debate in the House of Commons in April 2021, Badenoch criticised the Labour Party’s response to a report compiled by the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities which declared Britain was not institutionally racist. Labour had described the report as “cherry-picking of data”, while the party’s former frontbench MP Dawn Butler claimed the report was “gaslighting on a national scale”, describing those who put it together as “racial gatekeepers”. Badenoch accused Labour of "wilful misrepresentations" over the report and responded to Butler's comments by stating "It is wrong to accuse those who argue for a different approach as being racism deniers or race traitors. It's even more irresponsible, dangerously so, to call ethnic minority people racial slurs like Uncle Toms, coconuts, house slaves or house negroes for daring to think differently." In a Black History Month debate in the House of Commons in October 2020, she reiterated the government's opposition to primary and secondary schools teaching white privilege and similar "elements of critical race theory" as uncontested facts. ConservativeHome readers voted Badenoch's speech on critical race theory 2020 'speech of the year', in which she said that any school that teaches "elements of political race theory as fact, or which promotes partisan political views such as defunding the police without offering a balanced treatment of opposing views, is breaking the law". Badenoch has been dubbed the UK’s Candace Owens by her critics on the left because of her controversial opinions on race and equality. Shortly after her appointment as Minister of State for Equalities 2021, Vice News said they had received leaked audio from 2018 in which Badenoch mocked gay marriage, referred to trans women as "men" and used the term transsexual which is considered offensive by some trans people. During the comments reportedly made in her Commons office in 2018, Ms Badenoch is alleged to have said: “Now it’s not just about being free to marry who you want, you now want to have men using women’s bathrooms.” Deputy Labour leader Angela Rayner labelled the remarks “disgusting” and LGBT charity Stonewall said the comments were “hurtful and harmful”. In response, a government spokesperson said: “The 2018 comment has been taken out of context, with the Minister making a clear point about striking the balance for equality and fairness when there are multiple and often competing demands between different groups. It should not be used to misrepresent her views.” Tipped as a possible contender in the run-up for the Conservative Party leadership election in 2019. She instead supported the campaign of Michael Gove. Twenty-five months later, after the resignation of Prime Minister Boris Johnson, she threw her hat into the ring. Ranked as an outsider, she campaigned on the “anti-woke” platform and small government pitch becoming the new darling of the right of the Tory party. "I came to this country aged 16 and now I am standing for prime minister - isn't that amazing? I was born in this country but I didn't grow up here… And I don't understand why people want to ignore all of the good things and only focus on the bad things and use the bad things to tell the story." According to The Sunday Times, Badenoch entered the race as “a relatively unknown minister for local government” but “within a week emerged as the insurgent candidate to become Britain’s next prime minister". On 16 July, a ConservativeHome survey found Badenoch to be the favoured candidate of members by a double-digit margin. She was eliminated in the fourth round of voting, winning 59 votes in that round, the fewest of the four remaining candidates. On the 6th September, Kemi Badenoch was appointed Secretary of State for International Trade and President of the Board of Trade. It is her first cabinet post and she’s tipped to take another shot at the top job when the time comes. “Running doesn’t have to mean winning,” said one admiring MP, who backed Liz Truss for the leader. “Running means getting ready to win later.” Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kemi_Badenoch https://www.standard.co.uk/insider/who-is-kemi-badenoch-tory-leadership-candidate-b1012442.html https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-62176280 https://www.politico.eu/article/kemi-badenoch-british-pm-tory-race/

In recent years, the stories of Black British servicewomen such as Lillian Bader and Amelia King , who served during the Second World War, have gained increasing recognition. However, the contributions of African American servicewomen stationed in the UK, especially the 6888th Central Postal Directory Battalion, remain largely unknown. Tyler Perry’s latest film shines a spotlight on the remarkable, little-known story of the 6888th Central Postal Directory Battalion. This pioneering, all-women, predominantly Black unit became the first and only Women’s Army Corps (WAC) battalion of colour to serve overseas during WWII. "I seldom heard anything about Black women serving in World War Two; it's like they were deleted from history," said Col Edna Cummings, a retired US Army officer who served for 25 years. The film was inspired by an article in WWII History magazine by Kevin M. Hymel, which detailed the accomplishments of the 6888th. As depicted in Perry’s movie, the women of the "Six Triple Eight" served with exceptional commitment, surpassing expectations despite relentless discrimination and doubt. While the film captivates audiences with its drama, the true story of the 6888th is equally extraordinary. In 1941, as America entered the war, women across the country fought for the right to enlist in the military. Leading the movement were trailblazers like Dovey Johnson Roundtree—one of the first Black female officers in the US Army—and Civil Rights activist Mary McLeod Bethune (portrayed by Oprah Winfrey). Bethune partnered with First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt (Susan Sarandon) and Congresswoman Edith Nourse Rogers to draft the Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps (WAAC) resolution. The resolution passed in 1942, and by 1943, the Women’s Army Corps (WAC) was established, granting both white and Black women the right to serve. Initially, only white WAC soldiers were deployed overseas. But thanks to the advocacy of Bethune and Roosevelt, this policy changed, paving the way for the formation of the 6888th Central Postal Directory Battalion. On 3 February 1945, the Six Triple Eight boarded the liner Île de France . During their transatlantic journey, they faced the constant threat of German U-boats. Halfway across, the women were informed they were bound for Britain. The ship docked in Glasgow on 11 February, and the battalion travelled by train to Birmingham in the Midlands. Upon arrival, the women were struck by the extensive bomb damage the city had endured during the war. Despite these challenges, the local community greeted them with a mix of curiosity and warmth. While some locals harboured racist views, many extended invitations and welcomed the newcomers. African American troops had been stationed in Britain since 1942, though they were mostly concentrated in the South-West and East of England. In Birmingham, the Six Triple Eight were billeted at King Edward’s School in Edgbaston, a boys’ boarding school requisitioned for wartime use. However, the facilities were poorly equipped to accommodate women. Evelyn Johnson, one of the battalion’s new arrivals, recalled the difficulties of adapting to such conditions. Discrimination extended beyond living arrangements. The American Red Cross refused hotel accommodations to Black auxiliary corps members, instead designating a separate facility for them in London. Furious, Charity Adams, the battalion’s commanding officer, led a boycott of the organisation’s facilities. “The Red Cross wanted to set up another hotel for the Black WACs, and I promised them that it would be over my dead body before anybody slept there. And nobody slept there to my knowledge,” she stated in an oral history recorded by the US Army Women’s Museum. Despite these obstacles, the 6888th operated as a self-sufficient unit. They established their own dining hall, medical staff, and military police, the latter receiving jiu-jitsu training instead of weapons. Yet working conditions were far from ideal. When the battalion arrived in Birmingham, they were confronted with the monumental task of clearing a two-year backlog of 17 million pieces of mail. The morale of U.S. troops in Europe had been severely affected by the lack of communication from home, and the 6888th was charged with rectifying this situation. The battalion’s motto became “No mail, low morale,” and they worked tirelessly in difficult conditions. There were at least six warehouses full of undelivered mail, including many packages containing spoiled food, such as cake and fried chicken, which had grown mouldy and attracted rats. Once the mail was ready for sorting, the women worked under blackout conditions, with factory windows painted dark to shield their activity from German forces. Eye strain became a frequent issue among the clerks. The freezing winter weather added to their challenges. The warehouses lacked heating, forcing the women to wear ski trousers, field jackets, and other cold-weather gear just to stay warm while working. Despite these hardships, the 6888th defied expectations. Under the leadership of Major Adams, the unit worked seven days a week, in three shifts, to process 65,000 pieces of mail per shift. They implemented their own efficient systems, cross-referencing incomplete addresses and using military serial numbers to ensure that mail reached its rightful recipients. What was supposed to be a six-month assignment was completed in just three months, with the battalion clearing the backlog by May 1945. Early in the operation, a general attempted to send an officer to "tell them how to do it right", but Major Adams responded, "Sir, over my dead body, sir!" By the time the same general visited the unit in France, his attitude had changed, and he appreciated the 6888th's accomplishments. After clearing the mail backlog in Birmingham, UK, the women of the 6888th moved on to Rouen, France, where they continued their work. Tragically, while in France, the battalion suffered its first casualties when Private Mary Bankston and Private Mary Barlow were killed in a vehicle accident on July 8, 1945. Sergeant Dolores Browne also succumbed to her injuries five days later. Despite these losses, the battalion persevered and cleared the mail backlog. Despite their heroic efforts, the 6888th received little to no public recognition for their service at the time. They were disbanded at Fort Dix, New Jersey, and the significant contributions of these women remained largely overlooked for decades. It wasn’t until 64 years later, in February 2009, that the women of the 6888th received the recognition they deserved. A ceremony at the Women’s Memorial at Arlington National Cemetery honoured their service. Of the 855 women who comprised the 6888th, only three survivors could be located and brought to the ceremony: Alyce Dixon, Mary Ragland, and Gladys Shuster Carter. Dixon and Ragland were also honoured by President Barack Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama in 2009. The battalion’s legacy continued to be honoured in subsequent years. In 2016, the 6888th was inducted into the U.S. Army Women's Foundation Hall of Fame. A monument dedicated to the battalion was unveiled at Fort Leavenworth in 2018, and in 2019, a blue plaque was presented at King Edward's School in Birmingham, commemorating the women's stay there during the war. On March 14, 2022, President Joe Biden signed a bill awarding the Congressional Gold Medal to the 6888th, marking the culmination of years of advocacy and recognition. But the story of the 6888th’s contributions has now reached a global audience. In 2023, the descendants of the women visited Birmingham to trace their ancestors’ steps, with local historian Garry Stewart helping to organise the tour. The visit underscored the significance of their service, not only in shaping the lives of their descendants but also in impacting the Black community in Birmingham. West Midlands local historian Garry Stewart said: "For us here in Birmingham, it's a really important story. We're able to show how Black heritage in the city is established as far back as 1945 and way beyond that." On May 13, 2019, the US Ambassador to the UK presented a blue plaque to King Edward's School to commemorate the 6888th's achievements while in Birmingham. The plaque is now on the itinerary of guided tours organised by Birmingham's Black Heritage Walks Network. Olivia Brechon-Smith, a maths teacher at King Edward's School (KES), said: "The impact that an all-black battalion of women stationed at KES means so much to me, it's inspiring as a Black woman. Coming from a family descended from the Windrush generation, it's such a big community in Birmingham but isn't publicised as well as it could [be], and people knowing about the 6888 being here is so prominent in Birmingham's history." Their story is set to be told on both the stage and the screen. Blair Underwood is an executive producer of a Broadway musical about the battalion, while prolific film director Tyler Perry has brought their story to the global streaming platform Netflix . The movie debuted on 20 December 2024, attracting 52.4 million views and spending four weeks in Netflix's global film top ten. The women of the 6888th Central Postal Directory Battalion overcame immense challenges during World War II, breaking barriers for Black women in the military. Their remarkable contributions are finally receiving the recognition they deserve, ensuring their legacy will inspire future generations for years to come. Sources: History's Heroes - History's Secret Heroes - Series 1 - 2. Charity Adams and the 6888 - BBC Sounds Pioneering US WW2 black women drama shot at Duxford museum - BBC News Six Triple Eight: The battalion of black women erased from history - BBC News The Six Triple Eight helped rewrite the rules on who could be a soldier – the real story behind the Netflix film IWM INTERVIEW WITH EVELYN CLARISSE MARTIN-JOHNSON [Allocated Title] | Imperial War Museums 6888th Central Postal Battalion | Our Heritage Magazine Online Photo Credits: 1.U.S. National Archives

In Remembrance Month, Steve McQueen’s latest film Blitz continues his exploration of forgotten histories within the UK Black community. Following his previous anthology series about the Caribbean diaspora from the late 1960s to the mid-1980s , Blitz  shifts its focus to the overlooked experiences of Black people living in the UK during the devastating 1940-1 Nazi bombing campaign. The Blitz holds a mystical place in the British collective memory. It symbolizes a time of defiance, when Britain endured eight months of German bombing and was said to embody the famed "Blitz spirit." This period, marked by Britain standing alone after the fall of France, is mythologised as a symbol of resilience. However, the reality is more complex. In recent years, historians have begun to shed light on the critical role that Britain’s colonies played in the war effort. West Indian volunteers, who had witnessed the rise of fascism in Europe and racial segregation in Ethiopia after its invasion by Italy in 1935, were determined to fight against Hitler, fearing a Nazi victory would reintroduce slavery in the Caribbean. Alongside them, over 2.5 million Indians and more than 500,000 Africans were forcibly conscripted to serve on various fronts during World War II, including at Dunkirk. McQueen’s Blitz  offers a different perspective by portraying the lives of Black Britons during the Blitz, moving beyond the myths and clichés. The film follows nine-year-old George (newcomer Elliott Heffernan) on a harrowing journey through bombed-out London in search of his mother, Rita (Saoirse Ronan). His journey offers a stark portrayal of the devastation and humanity experienced by Londoners during this dark period. Although McQueen’s film aims for historical accuracy, he does not see it as a direct attempt to "correct" the historical record. "I'm not interested in correcting anything," McQueen said at the London Film Festival. "I'm an artist, and I love to work on things that mean something to me. This film is about a working-class family, a family drama set against the backdrop of a historical epic." At the same festival, McQueen shared the inspiration behind Blitz , explaining that he first thought about the Blitz in the early 2000s. His interest was piqued when he discovered a photograph of a young Black boy with a suitcase standing on a train platform, an image that lingered in his mind. McQueen’s experience as the official War Artist for the UK during the Iraq War, along with his research for his anthology film series Small Axe , led him to further explore London’s wartime diversity, particularly the experiences of Black, Jewish, and Chinese communities during the Blitz. Before its theatrical release, there was a small but vocal opposition to the film, especially on platforms like X (formerly Twitter), where McQueen’s movie was labelled as fabricated ‘woke’ nonsense. Detractors were unwilling to believe that George’s story, or the experiences of those he meets on his adventure, could be true. This reaction highlights the challenge McQueen faces in presenting a more inclusive and complex portrayal of Britain’s wartime history, one that includes the often-forgotten roles of Black and mixed-race individuals.   In Blitz , George’s story intertwines with the lives of several historical figures, including Ife, a Nigerian air-raid warden based on the real-life Ita Ekpenyon , a Nigerian lawyer who moved to the UK in the 1920s. Ekpenyon was later recruited as an air-raid warden and faced xenophobia while performing his duties in bomb shelters, a story previously highlighted in the 2021 BBC documentary Blitz Spirit with Lucy Worsley . The film also dramatizes the 1941 bombing of the Café de Paris in Leicester Square, where 34 people died, including British-Guyanese bandleader Ken "Snakehips" Johnson  and close friend of Ivor Cummings . This tragic event highlights a lesser-known aspect of the Blitz: the looting of bodies after some bombings. Johnson’s death, as well as that of his bandmates, is brought to life in McQueen’s film, which sheds light on the Black musicians who contributed to the UK’s wartime culture. Blitz  also features a diverse cast of characters, including Doris, a mixed-race Black woman working in an armament factory alongside Rita, and UK singer Celeste, who portrays a nightclub singer in the style of British artist Evelyn Dove . These characters highlight the often-overlooked contributions of mixed-race Black women to the British war effort, such as Lillian Baden  and Amelia King , who served in the Women’s Land Army during the war. The film draws attention to the real experiences of mixed-race Black evacuees during the war, including Paul Stephenson, leader of the Bristol Bus Boycott, who was evacuated at the age of three. In his autobiography Memoirs of a Black English Man , Stephenson recalls being evacuated to a care home in Great Dunmow with seven white children. He formed lifelong friendships and cherished his time in the countryside, a reflection of the often-forgotten history of mixed-race Black evacuees. An excellent article on The Mixed Museum website  further explores the experiences of mixed-race Black evacuees, highlighting figures like young sisters Stephanie and Constance Anita, who were evacuated from London to Stanion, Northamptonshire, and Marie Kamara, an eight-year-old mixed-race Black girl evacuated from East London to Winchester. These stories are rarely told but form a significant part of Britain’s wartime history. In focusing on the forgotten stories of individuals who were often sidelined in post-war narratives, Blitz  cuts through decades of nostalgia and brings the human experience of the Blitz to life. The film reveals the diverse and vital roles played by these communities during a time of national crisis, offering a more nuanced and inclusive perspective on Britain’s wartime history. Blitz  was released in selected cinemas in the US and UK on 1 November 2024 and began streaming on Apple TV+ on 22 November 2024. Photo Credits: 1. Elliott Heffernan in Blitz. Source: Apple TV+. 2. Saoirse Ronan and Elliott Heffernan in Blitz. Source: Apple TV+.

Windrush Day, observed on June 22 each year, commemorates the arrival of the HMT Empire Windrush at Tilbury Docks in 1948, which marked the start of large-scale Caribbean migration to the UK. It celebrates the resilience, contributions, and cultural impact of Caribbean immigrants who came to aid Britain’s post-war recovery, as well as the achievements of their descendants.   The Windrush Generation comprises of thousands of men, women, and children from West Indian countries, including Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados and Guyana, who settled in the UK between 1948 and 1971. Invited to fill critical labour shortages, they worked in sectors like healthcare, transportation, and industry, helping to rebuild Britain. Despite facing systemic discrimination, their labour became essential to the country’s economic revival. Their influence also extended into music, politics, cuisine, and sports, shaping British society in countless ways. They were instrumental in advancing race relations and anti-discrimination laws that promoted the idea of racial equality in the UK. Today, their descendants continue to enrich and influence British culture, reinforcing why the Windrush generation’s contributions are celebrated.   The Advocacy for Windrush Day In 2018, exactly 70 years after the Empire Windrush arrived, the UK formally recognised Windrush Day, largely due to the advocacy of Patrick Vernon, a prominent activist. Vernon began his campaign in 2013, launching a petition to establish an official day to honour the contributions of the Caribbean community to Britain. His efforts highlighted the need to celebrate the history and legacy of Caribbean immigrants, creating broader awareness of the role of immigration in British society. Five years later, Windrush Day was recognised as a national commemoration, supported by government funding to ensure its legacy would be celebrated through educational events and activities across the country.   The Windrush Scandal and its Impact The establishment of Windrush Day took on added significance following the Windrush Scandal, also in 2018, which exposed severe immigration policy failures. Under stricter policies, many Caribbean-born British citizens, despite their legal status, were wrongly classified as illegal immigrants, leading to detention, loss of healthcare, and even deportation for some. The scandal brought widespread outrage and highlighted systemic issues within the immigration system, prompting the government to issue an apology and offer compensation to those affected. The scandal deepened Windrush Day’s purpose as a day not only of celebration but also of reflection and advocacy, underscoring the need for fairness and accountability in immigration policy.   Recognising Windrush Day and Embracing Diversity Windrush Day celebrates the cultural richness that Caribbean immigrants brought with them. British music owes much to Caribbean genres such as reggae, calypso, and ska, which paved the way for uniquely British music styles, including Lovers Rock , Jungle and UK Garage. Caribbean cuisine has also been woven into the fabric of British food culture, with dishes like jerk chicken and Jamaican patties becoming beloved flavors across the country. Additionally, festivals like the London Carnival aka the Notting Hill Carnival—first organised by the Caribbean activist Claudia Jones – are now major national events that celebrate Caribbean heritage and multiculturalism, fostering unity across communities.   Education is a core component of Windrush Day, with events, exhibitions, and school programmes encouraging people to learn about the history and contributions of the Windrush generation. Such awareness helps combat prejudice and builds appreciation for the multicultural makeup of modern Britain. By educating the public, Windrush Day ensures that the legacy of the Windrush generation is not forgotten and that their impact on British society is recognised and honoured.   Beyond mere celebration, Windrush Day serves as a reminder of the importance of diversity and inclusivity in Britain’s national identity. Recognising the contributions of the Windrush generation honours both their achievements and the hardships they endured. Their legacy is integral to understanding the multicultural foundation of Britain, which continues to benefit from the diversity and resilience brought by generations of immigrants.   Today, Windrush Day encourages communities across the UK to recognise the contributions of the Windrush generation and their descendants. Supported by government funding, it hosts diverse celebrations, from dance and music performances to exhibitions and debates, ensuring that the Windrush legacy remains an active part of the UK’s cultural narrative.   In 2021, a plaque was unveiled in Wolverhampton in honour of Paulette Wilson, a British immigrant rights activist and member of the Windrush generation. Unveiled with support from Vernon and other community leaders, the plaque stands as a symbol of the community’s resilience. It was installed at the Wolverhampton Heritage Centre, once the office of Enoch Powell, who delivered the infamous "Rivers of Blood" speech opposing immigration. The plaque thus represents a powerful reclamation of space, celebrating the immigrant community’s enduring contributions in the face of adversity.   Celebrating Windrush Day is not just about remembering the past; it is an opportunity to embrace diversity, acknowledge the contributions of the Windrush generation, and commit to building a more inclusive society. Let's stand together in unity and celebrate the legacy of resilience, culture, and community that the Windrush pioneers have left behind.   Sources: https://brixtonblog.com/2015/07/we-need-a-windrush-day-to-celebrate-the-migrant-contribution-to-uk/ https://www.britishfuture.org/windrush-day-matters/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Windrush_Day

After the end of World War II, a significant wave of Caribbean immigrants made their way to the United Kingdom, marking a pivotal moment in British history and paving the way for the multicultural society we have today.   In this blog post, we’ll explore the motivations behind the migration of Caribbeans to post-war Britain, the influence of British government policies that encouraged this movement, and the positive impact these communities have had on the UK.   A Nation in Ruins: Post-War Britain The Second World War decimated most of Europe, and the United Kingdom was no exception. Approximately 1.5 million homes in Britain were destroyed, with many more damaged. Bombings caused significant damage or destruction to around 7,000 industries. The widespread destruction had a significant impact on postwar reconstruction efforts and housing shortages in the years that followed. (13)   Against this backdrop, the Labour Party secured its first parliamentary majority, pledging to reshape the UK. They embarked on a spectacular programme of reform, which included the establishment of the National Health Service.   The Labour government estimated that an additional 1.3 million workers were needed to help rebuild a country devastated by five years of war. (3) During World War II, nearly half a million soldiers and civilians lost their lives. After the war, many married women and older individuals who had delayed retirement left their jobs, which further intensified labour shortages.   At the same time, people began emigrating to countries in the Old Commonwealth, such as Australia, New Zealand, and Canada—places that were also facing labour shortages and eager to maintain colonial ties with the UK. More than 2 million people emigrated from the UK. (6)   In response to this urgent need for workers, the Labour government introduced recruitment schemes to bring in workers from abroad, initially focusing on Europe and later expanding to its Colonies.   The government was, at the time, creating programmes like the European Voluntary Worker (EVW) scheme, which enabled displaced, primarily, Eastern European migrants to fill in the labour shortage. Between 1946 and 1949 the scheme brought in over 84,000 European migrants.   After the British Nationality Act of 1948 was introduced, the number of migrants from the Caribbean quickly surpassed those from Eastern Europe. This act aimed to standardise citizenship definitions, especially after Canada established its own citizenship system. It allowed people from British colonies the right to live and work in the UK. The British government needed workers to help rebuild the economy after the war and hoped that people from the old Commonwealth would come to help rebuild Britain. However, the act also created opportunities for Caribbean migrants to fill job vacancies in the UK. (8)   Economic Hardships at Home A major reason for Caribbean migration to the UK was the promise of job opportunities. The Caribbean islands faced significant economic struggles due to underdevelopment by Britain, leading to high unemployment rates—about 15% of British West Indians were unemployed at the time. (3) After serving in WWII to help Britain resist Nazi oppression and defend against the expansion of slavery, Caribbean men and women returned home to economies struggling with high unemployment. A Colonial Office report highlighted substantial job disparities across the colonies, with Jamaica particularly hard-hit—accounting for nearly half of the region’s unemployed population. (5)   The Jamaican economy was particularly affected by the devastating hurricane of 1944, which almost destroyed its banana and coconut industries. As a result, thousands of Jamaicans lost their homes and jobs. With few work opportunities available at home, many saw the 'Motherland' as their only option for temporary work, hoping to eventually return home.   Cultural and Educational Ties After emancipation, Caribbean economies and social structures were shaped to resemble those of the UK, and the education system introduced the notion of a “Mother Country.” Caribbean students sat for national exams to qualify for scholarships in the UK—such as St. Lucian economist Sir W. Arthur Lewis,  who studied economics at the London School of Economics (LSE) in 1932.   Caribbean people also became acquainted with the UK through newspapers and radio programmes broadcast across the British West Indies, covering news, sports, culture, and UK events. In school, Caribbean children learned they were British citizens, with Britain as their motherland. This education fostered the belief that they would be welcomed in the UK and that their lives would improve significantly. As job opportunities became scarce in the Caribbean, many chose to migrate to the UK, seeing it as a promising option.   Caribbean societies adopted British symbols and customs, including the flag, national anthem, Christian faith, cricket, literature, and national holidays—celebrating Empire Day, for instance—and showed reverence for the Royal Family. These early influences painted an idealised view of the UK, inspiring many Caribbean migrants to believe they were heading to a land without the struggles of home. The "Mother Country" appeared to them as a welcoming “home” within a family of nations, extending an invitation to join.   "I knew a lot about Britain from school days, but it was a different picture from that one, when you came face to face with the facts. It was two different things... They tell you it is the ‘mother country’, you’re all welcome, you all British. When you come here you realise, you're a foreigner and that's all there is to it." John Richards, passenger on Empire Windrush, interviewed by the BBC in 1998 Government Policies and Recruitment Schemes After World War II, a small number of Caribbean servicemen who had fought alongside British forces began migrating to the UK, seeking employment or re-enlistment opportunities. However, by 1952, migration from the Caribbean increased substantially as the British government and industries started actively recruiting workers from the islands to address postwar labour shortages. This marked the start of a more organised wave of Caribbean migration to Britain. (4)   Despite active recruitment, Britain’s call for labour saw a modest response, with only about 125,000 Caribbean workers arriving by 1958. Economic growth in Trinidad and Tobago, and Jamaica, driven by industries like bauxite, oil, and tourism, led many Caribbean jobseekers to find opportunities there instead. International policy shifts, including the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, also affected migration options, creating additional pathways and making Caribbean migration to Britain more complex. (4)   In 1956, London Transport (LT), at the invitation of the Barbadian government, began recruiting Caribbean workers directly to staff its transport network. This initiative brought thousands of men and women from the Caribbean to Britain, initially from Barbados and, briefly, from Jamaica and Trinidad. Previously, LT had focused on recruiting workers from northern England, Scotland, and, by 1950, Ireland. However, ongoing staff shortages led LT to look further afield to the Caribbean. (10)   To support recruitment, the Barbadian government established a loan scheme allowing recruits to borrow the fare to Britain, repayable over two years. Similar initiatives were adopted by British Rail, the British Hotels and Restaurants Association, and the National Health Service (NHS), each seeking to fill critical roles. LT’s program continued until 1970, although the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962 imposed stricter immigration controls, leading to a decline in new recruits. In 1965, LT also recruited a small group of bus drivers from Malta to further supplement its workforce. (11)   Britain’s severe nursing shortage led the NHS and other agencies to initiate a large-scale recruitment drive across British colonies, particularly focusing on the Caribbean. Low interest in nursing in Britain exacerbated the shortage; a 1948 campaign in Tottenham, for instance, attracted only 17 inquiries for 737 vacancies. By 1955, NHS managers, hospital matrons, and politicians were actively recruiting in the Caribbean, establishing 16 agencies across the colonies. The campaign was successful; by 1965, 5,000 Jamaican women were working in British hospitals, and by 1977, 66 percent of overseas student nurses and midwives were from the Caribbean. (12)   These recruitment programmes significantly impacted the UK workforce. In 1955, the Barbadian government launched a program allowing British organizations to recruit directly from Barbados, soon joined by Jamaica and Trinidad. Caribbean migrants filled essential roles in nursing, teaching, and public transportation across the UK. By 1961, over 161,000 Caribbean-born residents lived in England and Wales, and by 1971, approximately 500,000 people from the Commonwealth had migrated to Britain, with a substantial portion from the Caribbean. Changes in Global Migration trends Since emancipation, people in the Caribbean developed migration patterns in search of better job prospects. From the late 19th century to the early 20th century, thousands of British West Indians moved to various locations in the Americas for work. One of the largest migration waves occurred when as many as 150,000 Caribbeans travelled to Panama for the construction of the Panama Canal. However, after World War II, job opportunities became scarcer in the Spanish Caribbean islands and South America, prompting many to seek work elsewhere. (3)   During World War II, thousands of Caribbeans moved to the United States to assist in the war effort. They worked in agriculture and light industry across 1,500 regions in 36 states. It’s estimated that about 50,000 British West Indians settled in the country between 1941 and 1950. However, this postwar flow of Caribbean immigrants was halted in 1952 due to the Immigration and Nationality Act, which established strict restrictions on Caribbean migrants, redirecting migration patterns to the United Kingdom. (7)   The impact of decolonisation  After World War II, Caribbean nations began pursuing political changes that ultimately led to independence. The war had exposed the weaknesses of colonial rule, fuelling a strong desire for self-determination among Caribbean people. This initiated the decolonisation process in the 1940s, with countries like Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago gaining greater political control; by the 1970s, many Caribbean nations had achieved full independence from British rule.   Decolonisation deeply impacted migration patterns, as newly independent Caribbean nations faced economic challenges including high unemployment, economic instability, chronically low wages, and limited job opportunities. With scarce resources and underdeveloped infrastructure, the new governments struggled to create jobs and essential services to support a stable, self-sustaining economy. Consequently, the UK, as the former colonial power, became a primary destination for Caribbean people seeking stable employment and new opportunities.   During this transition, Caribbean political leaders sought to establish a unified Caribbean identity, proposing a West Indian Federation  with Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago as prominent voices. However, as the two wealthiest economies, these countries hesitated to fully commit to federation, and competing priorities led to the federation’s collapse. Each nation then pursued independence individually. (9)   Upon independence, Caribbean economies remained heavily dependent on exporting raw materials like Trinidad’s oil and Jamaica’s bauxite—commodities that had supported Britain’s economy but not the Caribbean’s. These export-driven economies, structured to serve colonial needs, left the islands with underdeveloped infrastructure, high unemployment, and no social welfare systems. As a result, the new governments faced a dual challenge: building economic stability while creating social services for their populations. Additionally, they had to navigate complex relationships with former colonial powers, adding external pressures to their internal struggles.   As governments worked to address infrastructure and unemployment issues with limited resources, some leaders and intellectuals, such as the Huntleys  and Dr. David Pitt , grew disillusioned with the slow pace of progress. Many of these individuals sought new beginnings in the UK, marking a wave of post-independence migration driven by both economic need and a desire for broader opportunities.   The Experience of Migration Caribbean migration to Britain, prompted by post-war labour shortages, was met with significant hostility and discrimination. Many migrants faced racism in housing, jobs, and public spaces, compounded by exclusion from trade unions, which made integration challenging. Far-right groups, like Oswald Mosley’s Union Movement, fuelled these tensions, which reached a boiling point in the summer of 1958. That year, race riots erupted in Nottingham and Notting Hill, where white mobs targeted West Indian residents, highlighting the deep-seated animosity and prejudice Caribbean migrants faced.   Amid rising immigration and racial tensions, the Conservative government passed the Commonwealth Immigrants Act in 1962. Although it appeared neutral, the Act specifically targeted immigration from the Caribbean and other non-white Commonwealth regions by introducing a voucher system for work entry. This policy marked a pivotal shift toward more restrictive immigration controls in the UK, ultimately laying the groundwork for the issues that would culminate in the Windrush Scandal.   However, the Act had an unintended effect, as many from the New Commonwealth rushed to immigrate before it took effect. Migration from the Caribbean, which had been declining by 1958, surged amid rumours of an imminent cut-off. Arrivals rose sharply from 15,000 in 1958 to 57,000 by 1960. Many who had initially planned to return to the Caribbean chose to settle permanently instead, bringing their families to avoid potential re-entry restrictions. Family reunification thus became a central factor in Caribbean migration during this period.   The arrival of the Windrush generation marked a transformative shift in the UK’s social, economic, and political spheres. Caribbean immigrants became essential to rebuilding Britain’s post-war economy, filling labour shortages in vital sectors such as the NHS, transport, and manufacturing. Despite facing discrimination in housing, employment, and public life, their contributions laid the foundation for a more diverse, inclusive Britain.   A Legacy of Change The Caribbean community has had an undeniable impact on British society. The arrival of the HMT Empire Windrush in 1948 marked the beginning of large-scale immigration from British colonies to the UK. While smaller waves of migration from these colonies had occurred since the 15th century, it was the postwar influx that profoundly reshaped British society. This wave played a key role in shaping integration policies that laid the foundation for today’s multicultural Britain, fostering a shared British identity among descendants of immigrants from New Commonwealth countries, including Black Britons and British Asians. In politics, the Windrush generation was instrumental in advancing race relations and anti-discrimination laws. Their experiences highlighted the lack of integration policies in Britain, bringing racial issues to the forefront and paving the way for the Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968, and 1976, as well as the creation of the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE). They also played a significant role in developing and implementing multicultural policies, with intellectuals like Stuart Hall and local authorities such as Lambeth Council leading the way during the 1970s and 1980s. In the 1980s, the formation of “Black Sections” within the Labour Party emphasised the Windrush generation's influence, advocating for greater Black and Asian representation. This movement led to the historic election of figures such as Diane Abbott, Bernie Grant, Paul Boateng, and Keith Vaz in 1987. Their success in securing these positions helped broaden political inclusion, paving the way for today’s more diverse British Parliament. Culturally, the Windrush generation brought Caribbean traditions, cuisine, and music to British life, creating a unique and enduring impact. Events like the Notting Hill Carnival - first organised by activist Claudia Jones in 1959 was a response to race riots - grew into major celebrations of multiculturalism, showcasing Caribbean heritage while fostering an evolving British identity. The influences of reggae and calypso later shaped distinct UK music genres such as Lovers Rock, Jungle and Garage, while Caribbean cuisine, like Jamaican patties, became everyday British fare. The 2018 Windrush Scandal exposed the struggles faced by longstanding Caribbean residents, sparking public outcry and leading to policy reforms aimed at protecting the rights of Commonwealth citizens. The scandal amplified debates around race, immigration, and government accountability, reinvigorating calls for fairer immigration policies. The resilience and advocacy of the Windrush generation have deeply influenced the UK’s cultural and political landscape, weaving Caribbean influences into the nation’s identity. This enduring legacy is symbolised by the National Windrush Monument at Waterloo Station, which celebrates their impact on British society and their role in broadening the definition of what it means to be British. Sources: https://theconversation.com/unravelling-the-windrush-myth-the-confidential-government-communications-that-reveal-authorities-did-not-want-caribbean-migrants-to-come-to-britain-206225 The Unwanted: The Secret Windrush Files https://youtu.be/f_rzJTNZSLM?feature=shared (1) https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/the-empire-windrush/empire-windrush-life-for-migrants-in-the-1940s-and-50s/ (2) https://www.readingmuseum.org.uk/explore/online-exhibitions/windrush-day/windrush-day-enigma-arrival/1-caribbean-condition-pre (3) https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/bound-for-britain/ (4) https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/commonwealth-migration-since-1945/unemployment-statistics-british-colonies/ (5) https://www.migrationmuseum.org/the-last-great-exodus-of-british-migrants/#:~:text=In%20the%20years%20after%20the,emigrated%20from%20the%20United%20Kingdom . (6) https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/west-indian-immigration-to-the-united-states-1900/ (7) https://freemovement.org.uk/a-short-guide-to-the-legal-position-and-history-of-the-windrush-generation/ (8) https://archives.blog.parliament.uk/2022/10/11/go-it-alone-jamaica-trinidad-tobagos-independence/ (9) https://www.ltmuseum.co.uk/collections/stories/people/london-transports-caribbean-recruitment (10) https://www.ourmigrationstory.org.uk/oms/london-on-the-move-west-indian-transport-workers   (11) https://features.kingsfund.org.uk/windrush-and-the-nhs/#:~:text=The%20founding%20of%20the%20NHS,rebuild%20the%20'mother%20country'.&text=HMT%20Empire%20Windrush%20arrived%20at%20Tilbury%20Docks%20on%2022%20June,settle%20in%20the%20United%20Kingdom (12) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/London_in_World_War_II (13)

Black History Month UK 2022 'Sharing Journeys' campaign - exploring the lives of Britons with West African heritage Chief Lapido Solanke was born Oladipo Felix Solanke in the Yoruba town of Abeokuta, in southwest Nigeria around 1886. He was the second child and only son of Adeyola Ejiwunmi and her husband, who had adopted the name of Paley from the Scottish missionary who had raised him. He was educated at St Andrew’s Training Institution in Oyo, Nigeria, and then later went to Fourah Bay College in Sierra Leone to obtain a bachelor’s degree in 1922. Later that year he travelled to England, to complete his legal studies at University College London (1923-8) and subsequently qualified as a barrister. Colonial Britain was not a very welcoming place for students from African and Caribbean nations. Students often faced racism, harassment, and various other forms of discrimination daily. Consequentially, some students sort to culturally adapt to their new and hostile environment. A proud Yoruba from Western Nigeria, Solanke was shocked by the lack of interest his fellow Nigerian students displayed towards their heritage whilst in London. He took up teaching the Yoruba language to raise additional funds and for a time he worked as a teacher of Yoruba at London University. He also performed Yoruba poetry and in June 1924, he became the first person to broadcast on the radio in Yoruba. Under the moniker, Omo Lisabi, he made some of the first Yoruba records for Zonophone in 1926. His voice was popular on the radio, where he utilised the Yoruba language to dish out propaganda against colonial rule. He produced and distributed leaflets, written in English and Yoruba, which caused panic within the ranks of the British colonial establishment. But he felt that a greater effort was needed to tackle the racism and discrimination his fellow West African students experienced. Spurred on by his experiences of poverty and racism, he and twelve other students founded the Nigerian Progress Union the next month in July 1924. With the encouragement and help of Amy Ashwood Garvey (the first wife of Marcus Garvey and leading Pan-Africanist) to promote the welfare of Nigerian students. Solanke’s career as an activist and political organiser began after he successfully launched a public complaint against the 1924 Empire Exhibition in Wembley. The £20 million exhibition was created to strengthen ties within its “Empire”, stimulate trade and demonstrate “Britain’s greatness at home and abroad after WW1” by displaying the “exotic cultures of the British Empire.” It was a very popular event, attracting 27 million visitors over six months. One display, incredibly, presented a model African village with West Africans on display as curios. Offensive press coverage of the village implied the participants were “cannibals”, with an article in the Evening News (today’s Evening Standard) even claiming that “cannibalism and black magic” had been common in Nigeria until recent years. He wrote to the weekly news magazine 'West Africa' to complain and his close friend Amy Ashwood Garvey backed his protest too. As a representative of the Union of Students of African Descent, a precursor to the WASU, Solanke protested against this willful misrepresentation of African people and their customs. In a series of letters, he reminded the colonial authorities that countries like Nigeria had contributed thousands of pounds to an event where African cultures were, in his words, routinely held up to “public ridicule.” His complaint gained enough support to secure the closure of “the African Village” for the remainder of the season. The racism espoused at the exhibition mirrored the daily reality of African students in Britain at the time. These were students from elite families, who had received a European education in their home countries to train them for positions in the colonial administration . Their familiarity with British culture jarred with the hostile reception they received on arrival, where they were frequently barred from accommodation or abused in the streets – experiences that became known as “the colour bar”. This wave of students had come of age in an intellectual climate shaped by an emerging pan-African consciousness. Fundamentally, they did not see themselves as inferior to the colonial powers and expected to take the reins of government when they returned home. So not surprisingly, in this atmosphere, Solanke joined forces with Dr. Bankole-Bright in 1925 and founded the West African Student’s Union (WASU). The next year the organisation began publishing its journal, WASU, with many of the articles written by Solanke himself. While a donation from Jamaican political activist Marcus Garvey , who supported the students’ pan-Africanist ideals, provided the fledgling organisation with its first temporary premises in 1928. Solanke spent the next four years traveling in west Africa to raise funds for the union and establish WASU branches across Britain’s west African colonies—Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, and the Gambia. Whilst on the fundraising tour of West Africa, he met and married his wife Opeolu in 1932. Together they returned to Britain, and he became the warden of the WASU hostel that opened in Camden Town in 1933. Because of this tour, WASU branches were formed throughout the region, and Solanke and WASU were able to establish significant political contacts with anti-colonial forces in West Africa, and provide the link between them and the anti-colonial movement in Britain. Solanke also completed a further fundraising tour of West Africa during 1944–8, before the opening of WASU’s third London hostel at Chelsea Embankment in 1949. Solanke’s activities on behalf of WASU periodically brought him into conflict with the Colonial Office and sometimes with other black leaders in Britain. However, as WASU secretary-general, he was also able to establish the union as a significant anti-colonial and anti-racist organisation in Britain. During the Second World War Solanke established closer relations between WASU and several leading members of the Labour Party’s Fabian Colonial Bureau, including Reginald Sorensen, who subsequently became godfather to one of his children. Because of these links, they established a West African parliamentary committee, with Labour MPs as members, which enabled WASU to act as a more effective parliamentary pressure group. During the 1950s, due to political differences within WASU, Solanke was gradually marginalised from the central role he had once enjoyed. He continued to run a student hostel in London and formed his breakaway organisation, WASU Un-incorporated, which he led until he died in 1958. Under Solanke’s leadership, WASU became the main social, cultural, and political focus for West Africans in Britain for just over twenty-five years. It served as a training ground for many future political leaders, including Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah , and Nigeria’s H.O Davies , and played an important role in agitating for an end to colonial rule in Britain’s West African colonies. Sadly, Solanke died two years before Nigeria gained its independence on the 1st October 1960. He died of lung cancer at the National Temperance Hospital, St Pancras, London, on 2 September 1958. His funeral and burial took place on 6 September at Great Northern London cemetery, Southgate. Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ladipo_Solanke https://dcrn.northeastern.edu/ladipo-solanke/ https://wasuproject.org.uk/2012/01/29/key-figures-ladipo-solanke/ https://qz.com/africa/1979035/how-west-african-students-in-london-fought-for-african-independence/ https://twitter.com/yorubahistory/status/1212706643919679488 https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Ladipo-Solanke-Photo-courtesy-Opeolu-Ogunbiyi_fig1_354748254 https://thecesf.org/lif_story/ladipo-solanke-used-his-speech-eloquence-writing-prowess/

In August 1925, a Nigerian law student, Lapido Solanke , and a Sierra Leonean doctor, Herbert Bankole-Bright founded the West African Students’ Union (WASU) in London, England. It became a key political, social and cultural organisation for West Africans in Britain and the main African organisation in the UK for over thirty years. As early as 1923, Solanke had proposed that the Union of Students of African Descent (USAD), a Christian social organisation dominated by students from the West Indies (and which had grown out of the earlier West African and West Indian Christian Union, founded in 1917), should incorporate itself into the National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA) . In 1925, Bankole-Bright of the NCBWA called on USAD, the Nigeria Progress Union, the African Progress Union and the Gold Coast Students' Association (GCSA) to join together to form a single organisation for West African students, inspired by the Indian Students' Union. Many students joined together to form WASU, and Solanke became the new organisation's secretary-general, while J. B. Danquah became its first president. J. E. Casely Hayford was the new grouping's first patron, a post he used to promote African nationalism. WASU’s founders were intentional about the organisation’s Pan-Africanism. Solanke visited and established chapters in several British West African colonies. The organisation soon became a hub for anti-racist and decolonial thinkers across the diaspora. In fact, one of WASU’s early donors was Marcus Garvey , a Jamaican political activist and founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) , who helped the organization obtain its first meetinghouse. African immigrants made up a very small minority in 1920s and 1930s London but faced considerable racial discrimination. Records from the Colonial Office suggest that there were around 125 African students at universities in Britain in 1929. By 1951, this number had risen dramatically to 2,300. Over its 30-year history, the WASU would move to a new location in Camden and open a second hostel on Chelsea Embankment due to increasing demand. White-owned establishments could legally refuse Black tenants, and so a key aim of WASU was "to provide and maintain a hostel for students of African descent." The Colonial Office were keen to take control of the project, and in 1929, whilst Solanke was away in West Africa raising funds for the hostel, they assembled a secret plan to build their own hostel. This became Aggrey House, which WASU exposed in their pamphlet The Truth About Aggrey House – An Exposure of the Government Plan to Control African Students in Great Britain. WASU opened its first hostel in March 1933 on Camden Road to provide accommodation to students and visitors of African descent. At a time when white-owned establishments could legally refuse Black tenants, the hostel was designed to be a “home away from home” for Africans in the diaspora. Known as “Africa House”, it gave members access to meals, a library, a reading room, a games room and space to welcome visitors. Solanke’s wife, Chief Opeolu Solanke-Ogunbiyi, became the matriarch of the hostel and was known as Mama WASU. Given that Africa House had a restaurant, Mama WASU solicited traditional African ingredients, things like egusi and ewuro, from her mother in Nigeria who sent them to her by passenger ship. Mama WASU hired an Irish cook for the hostel and taught her how to make traditional Nigerian dishes for the tenants. The WASU campaigned against racism in Britain and against colonialism and for independence in West Africa. Its activities included producing a journal, Wasu, and founding four hostels in London to provide lodgings and a ‘home from home’ for West African students and other African visitors at a time when as a result of racism and the ‘colour bar’ it was difficult or impossible for them to secure accommodation. In October 1934, the Colonial Office opened the rival hostel ‘Aggrey House’ in which political discussion could be monitored and discouraged. WASU opposed the scheme and formed an "Africa House Defence Committee", including Paul Robeson , who was awarded the title "Babasale of the Union", also gaining the support of the National Council for Civil Liberties, Negro Welfare Association, and League Against Imperialism. They encouraged students to boycott the hostel which remained unfilled until the Colonial Office offered WASU official recognition and financial support to run Africa House. In financial difficulties, WASU accepted the deal, and also accepted funding from organisations such as the United African Company. WASU also undertook some political campaigns within Britain. In 1929, it successfully stopped plans for an African village exhibition in Newcastle, which it felt would be exploitative. This campaign was taken up in Parliament by the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) Member of Parliament Shapurji Saklatvala . During the 1930s, WASU steadily expanded its work from student affairs and social movements to more formal political action. By 1930 WASU had persuaded a committee of Labour MPs to advocate for West African interests in Parliament. However, over time, the organisation’s position evolved from one of reforming colonial systems to openly opposing them. The group developed increasing links with communist groups, such as the League Against Imperialism (LAI) and the Negro Welfare Association, in particular in its campaigns against the colour bar and against the Italian invasion of Ethiopia. WASU was a leading voice against Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. The call for decolonisation intensified with World War II and the conscription of colonial subjects including many Africans, in the fight against Nazi Germany. WASU argued that England could not call on African colonial subjects to fight in its defence while denying them independence at home. In 1937, the Gold Coast Farmers Union wrote to Solanke, asking for his assistance in breaking the cocoa cartel of Cadbury's and the UAC. With Labour Party MPs Reginald Sorensen and Arthur Creech Jones, WASU campaigned in support of the 1938 Gold Coast cocoa hold-up, where small farmers attempted to pressurise the companies by disrupting their supplies. The following year in July 1938, with grants from various West African governments and British companies, WASU opened a new hostel, on Camden Square. This also solved the union's financial problems and enabled it to step up its campaigning activity. WASU became increasingly identified as an anti-colonial group, and it called for dominion status and universal suffrage for the West African colonies. Clement Attlee gave a speech to the union in which he suggested that the Atlantic Charter would apply to all nations, effectively endorsing WASU's aims, but Winston Churchill insisted that self-determination could only apply to European nations. In 1942, WASU made its first formal demand of the British Empire for the independence of its African colonies within five years of the end of the war. Harold Macmillan personally visited Africa House to argue the British government's case. And although their demand didn’t come to fruition, it planted a seed that inevitably contributed to African decolonization. Five years later in 1947, under vice-president Kwame Nkrumah, WASU called for an immediate decision on independence for the West African colonies and criticised the Labour government for its failure to deliver this. By the 1950s WASU’s influence began to decline as the fight for West African nationalism moved to the colonial territories. But It was one of the most important political organisations in Britain from the 1920s until the 1960s. It acted as a training ground for future West African politicians and from the late 1930s established branches and distributed its journal throughout West Africa and internationally. Through its branches and individual links, it was a major influence on the anti-colonial movements in Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone and Gambia. Its members included Kwame Nkrumah, who became the first head of state of independent Ghana in 1957, Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya’s first president, and Hastings Banda, Malawi’s first president. WASU played a pivotal role in West Africa’s fight for independence from colonial Britain. That must and can not be forgotten. In 2012, University of Chichester history professor Hakim Adi created The WASU Project to revive the legacy of the movement. The WASU Project aims to document the history of West Africans in Britain, especially those who campaigned for an end to colonial rule and against all forms of racism during the 20th century, by presenting information, photos, and eventually a film about WASU. He told the Quartz Africa publication: “The dominant view of Black British history tends to exclude people from the African continent and focus on people from the Caribbean. There are a lot of things that people don’t know about the history of Africans in Britain, or in Africa for that matter,” he told Quartz Africa. “You don’t see documentaries or dramas on TV about it, and that’s problematic. In that sense, it’s not widely recognised but that’s a reflection of the way that history is presented.” On the 30th October 2020, the Nubian Jak Community Trust launched the Black Plaque project to celebrate notable Black Britons and organisations. A temporary Black Plaque was erected on Camden Road to commemorate Lapido Solanke and WASU. Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_African_Students%27_Union#cite_note-9 https://qz.com/africa/1979035/how-west-african-students-in-london-fought-for-african-independence/ https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/west-african-students-union-wasu/ https://wasuproject.org.uk/ https://www.kofastudy.com/courses/ss2-government-3rd-term/lessons/some-key-nationalist-movements-and-nationalist-leaders-and-their-contributions-week-2/topic/west-african-student-union/

By Dr Hannah Lowe This article which is republished from  The Conversation  under a Creative Commons license.  Read the original .

Angela M explains Black History Month UK and how to celebrate this October. October marks the start of Black History Month UK – a time to celebrate and remember African and Caribbean heritage peoples' achievements and contributions to the British economy, culture, and history. It's a chance to tell the stories of those lesser well-known Black Britons who we will forget if we don't showcase them. What is Black History Month UK? Black History Month UK began in October 1987 by Akyaaba Sebo, a special projects coordinator of the Ethnic Minorities Unit at the now defunct Great London Council. He wanted to boost the self-esteem of Black British children and young adults by educating them on the long history and achievements of Black people living in the UK. Taking inspiration from Black History Month (also known as African American History Month) in the United States. The first event was held on 1 October 1987 at County Hall and was attended by American historian Dr. Maulana Karenga, who founded the African American holiday of Kwanzaa; and Kenyan women’s activist Wanjiru Kihoro. It has since evolved into a national movement recognised by the British government and observed throughout the UK. It is also recognised in other parts of the world during October in Ireland and the Netherlands. In the US, where Black History Month originated, the awareness month is held in February. It is also celebrated in Canada in February too when it was officially recognised in 1995. Since the 1990s, the significance of Black History Month has gradually increased throughout continental Europe and it is now observed in Germany and Belgium in February.  What are the origins of Black History Month? In 1926, African-American historian Carter G Woodson  started national Negro History Week   to advocate for the inclusion of American Black History in the US national public education system. Over time, and with the momentum and support of the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, the week gradually morphed into the month it is today. In 1976, US Black History Month (or African American Month as it’s now regularly referred to) was officially recognised by President Gerald Ford. Why is it celebrated at different times across the globe? After visiting America in the 1970s, Addai-Sebo created a British version of Black History Month in 1987, but they are not officially linked. In the United States, Black History Month takes place in February to coincide with the births of Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln.  Addai-Sebo chose to celebrate Black History Month UK in October because of the month's importance in the African calendar. More importantly, it was the start of the British academic year. Why should we separate Black History Month celebrations in the US and UK? When Black History Month UK started in the UK, there was a big emphasis on African American history. Over time the focus has moved to celebrating and recognising Black British history  and key Black figures in the UK. It’s important also that we focus only on British Black history as the Black British community is a composite of peoples with different cultures and identities. Some individuals with a lineage beginning long before the Windrush generation and others with distinct and very different cultures rooted in the African and Caribbean continents. Why do we celebrate Black History Month UK 2024?  Last year, The Guardian  reported that ‘Half of Britons can’t name a Black historical figure’. Their findings were taken from a survey conducted by YouGov, which found the majority of British people have almost zero knowledge of Black British history. While more than half (53%) of Britons could not name any Black British historical figures and only 7% could name more than four. These results demonstrate the continued importance and need for Black History Month in the UK. Although the teaching of BAME history and racism is mandatory in Wales, it's not compulsory to be taught in the rest of the UK. Black history can be taught as part of the history and English curriculum in secondary schools, but whether pupils get to study it depends on modules chosen by schools. “All British history needs to be taught as one history. It’s all our history” said Atinuke, the award-winning writer of ‘Brilliant Black British History’ publication. Black History Month exists to tell these missing stories in our own voices. It’s our chance to shine a light on the individuals who have been omitted from the mainstream and whose contributions would be forgotten with Black History Month UK. It's a time to celebrate Black Britons who are making history now too.  It also provides us with a space to tackle racial discrimination head-on within our society by encouraging government, institutions, and corporations to advocate for diversity, equality, and inclusion. Do we really need Black History Month UK?  Some campaigners argue against the existence and usefulness of the month as they believe it marginalizes UK Black history and that it should, rightly, be remembered all year round. Organisations such as The Black Curriculum  are working hard to address the lack of Black British history in the UK curriculum through campaigning, training teachers, and delivering Black history programmes. While the Black Cultural Archives (BCA) , an archive and heritage centre in Brixton, London, is dedicated to preserving and promoting the histories of African and Caribbean descendants in Britain. But Black History Month UK, like many other national and international events, provides us with an opportunity to remember individuals and events that would never be included in a racially inclusive national curriculum and would remain forgotten to the annals of time. What are the aims of Black History Month in the UK? Celebrate and recognise the achievements of African and Caribbean heritage people's role in helping to shape UK culture, history, and economic development. Educating the UK population on how the relationships between Britain, Africa, the Caribbean, and the United States helped create modern Britain. To encourage government, institutions, and corporations to embrace and adopt equality and diversity policies. What is the theme of Black History Month UK 2024?  Our theme for Black History Month UK 2024 is ‘Celebrating our Changemakers’ .  This October we’ll be examining key moments in UK Black history and looking at the people behind them. Throughout the month we’ll be examing events such as the First Pan African Conference, the arrival of Caribbean soldiers in Britain to fight in the 2WW, and the election of Black and Asian MPs in 1983. We’ll also be shining a spotlight on the UK's first Black MP, Diane Abbott, Henry Sylvester Williams, Marion Patrick Jones, Olaudah Equiano, Obi Egbuna and Stella Thomas. We’ll be asking the UK Black Community to commemorate the month by sharing their own family histories using the hashtag #bhmfamilies How can I celebrate Black History Month UK 2024? Black History Month is an excellent opportunity for people from all backgrounds to educate themselves on Black Britain’s history and the often-overlooked people who have made a difference to the country. There are a variety of ways you can observe the month: Attend any of the hundreds of events taking place up and down the country to commemorate Black History Month. Show your support online by sharing our Black History Month UK post on your social media channel during the month. Take on the #BHMFamilies selfie challenge  Why not watch our '10 ways to celebrate Black History Month UK’' video for more ideas? How should educational organisations and business corporations recognise the month? Our theme for Black History Month UK 2024 is ‘Celebrating Changemakers,' and we advise any schools and colleges interested in exploring the topic in greater detail to visit The Black Curriculum website or attend Black Cultural Archive (BCA), which have an extensive range of educational resources relating to the theme.  We encourage business corporations to provide a safe space for all individuals who wish to commemorate the month in which stories can be shared – personal experiences and/or inspiring stories. But to also remember that not everybody may want to be involved in your Black History Month planning simply because of their ethnic background. Such assumptions place the burden of responsibility on them, and if they’re a visible minority in your workplace, they might feel tokenized about their role in your workplace. Remember, for best results, you should be recognizing all your employees, all year round!  Companies are also advised to run a diversity and inclusion audit of their business – and perhaps book a Black keynote speaker to provide advice on making their workplaces more racially inclusive.  Who is the International Black History Month UK (IBHM-UK) organisation? The International Black History Month UK (IBHM-UK) was created in June 2020 by a group of Black Britons with a passion for investigating and curating the hidden and forgotten stories of Britain’s black past. We’re committed to raising the profile of the month amongst the African, Caribbean and Black British community in the UK. As one of our young volunteer interns explains: “Neither my primary or secondary schools celebrated Black History Month UK and I had to learn about UK Black History myself. So, I think it’s important that an organisation like this exists to fill the gaps in knowledge that many people in the UK’s African and Caribbean community may have about Britain’s black past. Our community is not a monolith, and we all have different lived experiences. BHMUK allows us all to reflect and celebrate on all the different aspects of British Black history from finding out about awe inspiring individuals like Dr Harold Moody and John Blanke to the legislative changes in UK law championed by the Windrush generation." For too long, Black History Month UK has lacked direction and focus. We decided to step into that space to ensure that this important month has a clear message and theme. Our CEO, Angela says: “I have a young son who was tasked with choosing a notable Black Briton for a school assignment and I was shocked to learn that the only resources available was a listings website with poorly researched articles and filled to the brim with job adverts. We set up this organisation to ensure that quality information and free resources are available to everyone who wants to learn about UK Black History. And more importantly, that the stories of Black Britons are told in an authentic voice that belongs to us and not someone masquerading as one of us!“ We are a local community group that provides free resources on UK Black History and hope to run themed Black UK history events in 2024 and beyond.

On 30th October 2024, English Heritage unveiled a blue plaque in Brixton to commemorate Olive Morris , a fearless activist and advocate for racial and housing justice. Born in Jamaica in 1952, Morris moved to London as a child and dedicated her short but impactful life (1952–1979) to fighting for oppressed and exploited communities. A pivotal moment in her activism came at the age of 17 when she intervened in the violent arrest of a Nigerian diplomat under Britain’s discriminatory “sus” laws . Morris was herself arrested and assaulted during the incident, which galvanised her lifelong commitment to justice. Over the years, she campaigned tirelessly for racial equality, gender rights, and housing justice, and became a central figure in the Brixton-based British Black Panther movement. The plaque commemorates 121 Railton Road, a property Morris squatted with her friend Liz Turnbull in the early 1970s. The flat, above a laundrette, became a hub for Black political and counter-cultural organisations. It housed the Brixton Black Women’s Group, the Black Workers’ Movement, and Black People Against State Harassment (BASH). It was also home to Sabarr , a radical self-help bookshop and community space. Morris famously resisted multiple illegal eviction attempts by the police, transforming the property into a symbol of resistance and one of Brixton’s longest-running squats. In 1973, Morris co-founded the Brixton Black Women’s Group, followed in 1978 by the Organisation of Women of African and Asian Descent (OWAAD), both of which amplified the voices of marginalised women in Britain. She also campaigned against the Vietnam War, Britain’s “sus” laws, and economic injustices affecting workers in the Caribbean. A graduate of Manchester University in social sciences, Morris tirelessly advocated for housing rights, helping families secure shelter during Brixton’s 1970s housing crisis, when squatting was often the only option for Black families facing systemic discrimination. Her ability to secure housing for marginalised communities has been described as “turning squatting into an art form.” Nick Merriman, Chief Executive of English Heritage, described Morris as “a remarkable person” who stood up to oppression “often in the face of brutality and racism.” The unveiling of her blue plaque was organised by English Heritage’s youth engagement team in collaboration with Lambeth-based groups South Central Youth, The Advocacy Academy, and The Black Curriculum. Youth Participation Officer Chania Fox described the event as “a privilege” to honour Morris’s life and her lasting impact on the community. Currently, only 4.6% of plaques in the London blue plaques scheme honour Black and Asian figures from history. This underrepresentation highlights the significance of the first plaque commemorating Olive Morris, which was organised by the Nubian Jak Community Trust. On 19th February 2023, in partnership with Lambeth Council, the Trust unveiled a plaque at 2 Talma Road, the former headquarters of the Brixton Ad-Hoc Committee Against Police Repression. That same year, a memorial stone was installed at the Lambeth Archives on the former site of Olive Morris House, a building commissioned by Lambeth Council in 1986 to honour her legacy. Although Olive Morris House was demolished in 2020, it remained a lasting testament to her transformative impact on the community. Although Morris tragically passed away in 1979 at just 27 due to non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma, her contributions to housing rights, racial equality, and women’s empowerment remain a powerful testament to her indomitable spirit. Her blue plaque at 121 Railton Road stands as a lasting reminder of her courage and her transformative impact on British society.